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The great philosopher Aristotle said
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if something doesn't exist,
there's no word for it,
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and if there's no word for something,
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that something doesn't exist.
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So when we talk about elections,
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we in established democracies,
we know what we're talking about.
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We've got the words.
We have the vocabulary.
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We know what a polling station is.
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We know what a ballot paper is.
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But what about countries
where democracy doesn't exist,
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countries where there are no words
to describe the concepts
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that underpin a democratic society?
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I work in the field
of electoral assistance,
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so that's to say we assist
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emerging democracies to organize
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what is often their first elections.
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When people ask me what I do,
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quite often I get this answer.
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"Oh, so you're one of these people
who goes around the world
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imposing Western democracy
on countries that can't handle it."
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Well, the United Nations
does not impose anything on anybody.
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It really doesn't,
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and also, what we do
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is firmly anchored in the 1948
Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
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Article 21 that says
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that everybody should have the right
to choose who governs them.
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So that's the basis of the work.
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I specialize in public outreach.
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What does that mean? Another jargon.
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It actually means designing
information campaigns
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so that candidates and voters
who have never had the opportunity
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to participate or to vote
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understand where, when, how to register,
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where, when, how to vote,
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why, why it is important to take part.
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So I'll probably devise a specific
campaign to reach out to women
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to make sure that they can take part,
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that they can be part of the process.
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Young people as well.
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All sorts of people.
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Handicapped people.
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We try to reach everybody.
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And it's not always easy,
because very often in this work,
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I've noticed now over the years
that I've been doing it
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that words are lacking,
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and so what do you do?
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Afghanistan.
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It's a country with
high levels of illiteracy,
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and the thing about that was,
it was in 2005,
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and we organized two elections
on the same day.
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The reason was because the logistics
are so incredibly difficult,
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it seemed to be more efficient to do that.
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It was,
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but on the other hand,
explaining two elections instead of one
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was even more complicated.
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So we used a lot of images,
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and when it came to the actual ballot,
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we had problems, because
so many people wanted to take part,
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we had 300 candidates for 52 seats
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in the Wolesi Jirga,
which is the parliamentary elections,
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and for the Provincial Council,
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we had even more candidates.
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We had 330 for 54 seats.
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So talking about ballot design,
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this is what the ballot looked like.
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This is photos of a newspaper.
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This was the Wolesi Jirga ballot,
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yeah, and
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this was the Provincial Council ballot.
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Even more.
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So you see, we did use
a lot of symbols and things like that.
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And we had other problems
in Southern Sudan.
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Southern Sudan was a very different story.
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We had so many people
who had never, of course, voted,
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but we had extremely, extremely
high levels of illiteracy,
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very, very poor infrastructure.
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I mean, it's a country
the size of Texas, more or less.
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We had seven kilometers of paved roads,
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seven kilometers in the whole country,
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and that includes the tarmac
where we landed the planes
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in Juba Airport.
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So transporting electoral materials, etc.,
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is exceedingly difficult.
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People had no idea about
what a box looked like.
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It was very complicated,
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so using verbal communication
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was obviously the way to go,
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but there were 132 languages.
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So that was extremely challenging.
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Then I arrived in Tunisia in 2011.
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It was the Arab Spring.
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A huge amount of hope was generated
by that enormous movement
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that was going on in the region.
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There was Libya, there was Egypt,
there was Yemen.
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It was an enormous, enormous
historical moment,
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and I was sitting
with the election commission,
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and we were talking about
various aspects of the election,
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and I was hearing them using words
that I hadn't actually heard before,
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and I'd worked with Iraqis,
I'd worked with Jordanians, Egyptians,
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and suddenly they were using these words,
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and I just thought, "This is strange."
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And what really gave rise to it
was this word "observer."
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We were discussing election observers,
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and the election commissioner was talking
about [??] in Arabic.
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But this means "to notice"
in a passive sort of sense,
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as in, "I noticed he was wearing
a light blue shirt."
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Did I go and check whether
the shirt was light blue or not?
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That is the role of an election observer.
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It's very active, it's governed
by all kinds of treaties,
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and it has got that
control function in it.
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And then I got wind of the fact
that in Egypt, they were using
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this term "??", which means
"to follow."
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So we were now having
followers of an election.
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So that's not quite right either,
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because there is a term that is
already accepted and in use,
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which was the word "??"
which means "a controller."
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It's got that notion of control.
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So I thought, three words
for one concept. This is not good.
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And with our colleagues, we thought
perhaps it's our role
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to actually help make sure
that the words are understood
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and actually create a work of reference
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that could be used across the Arab region.
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And that's what we did.
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So together with these colleagues,
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we launched the Arabic lexicon
of election terminology,
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and we worked
in eight different countries.
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It meant actually defining 481 terms
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which formed the basis
of everything you need to know
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if you're going to organize
a democratic election.
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And we defined these terms,
and we worked with the Arab colleagues
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and came to an agreement
about what would be the appropriate word
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to use in Arabic.
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Because the Arabic language is very rich,
and that's part of the problem,
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but there are 22 countries
that speak Arabic,
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and they use modern standard Arabic,
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which is the Arabic that is used
across the whole region
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in newspapers and broadcasts,
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but of course, then from one country
to the next in day to day language and use
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it varies, dialect, colloquialisms, etc.
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So that was another added
layer of complications.
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So in one sense you had the problem
that language wasn't fully ripe,
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if you like, it was neologisms
were coming up, new expressions.
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And so we defined all these terms,
and then we had eight correspondents
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in the region.
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We submitted the draft to them,
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they responded back to us.
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"Yes, we understand the definition.
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We agree with it,
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but this is what we say in our country."
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Because we were not going
to harmonize or force harmonization.
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We were trying to facilitate
understanding among people.
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So in yellow, you see the different
expressions in use
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in the various countries.
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So this I'm happy to say,
it took three years to produce this
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because we also finalized the draft
and took it actually into the field,
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sat with the election commissions
in all these different countries,
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debated and defined and refined the draft,
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and finally published it
in November 2014 in Cairo.
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And it's gone a long way.
We published 10,000 copies.
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To date, there's about 3,000 downloads
off the Internet in PDF form.
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I heard just recently from a colleague
that they've taken it up in Somalia.
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They're going to produce
a version of this in Somalia,
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because there's nothing in Somalia at all.
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So that's very good to know.
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And this newly formed Arab Association
of Election Management Bodies,
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which is trying to professionalize
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how elections are run in the region,
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they're using it as well.
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And the Arab League have now built up
a pan-Arab observation unit,
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and they're using it.
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So that's all really good.
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However, this work of reference
is quite high-pitched.
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It's complex, and a lot of the terms
are quite technical,
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so the average person probably doesn't
need to know at least a third of it.
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But the people of the Middle East
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have been deprived of any form
of what we know as civic education.
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It's part of our curriculum at school.
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It doesn't really exist
in that part of the world,
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and I feel it's really
the right of everybody
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to know how these things work.
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And it's a good thing to think about
producing a work of reference
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for the average person,
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and bearing in mind that now
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we have a basis to work with,
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but also we have technology,
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so we can reach out using telephone apps,
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video, animation.
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There's all sorts of tools
that can be used now
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to communicate these ideas to people
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for the first time in their own language.
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We hear a lot of misery
about the Middle East.
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We hear the chaos of war.
We hear terrorism.
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We hear about sectarianism
and all this horrible negative news
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that comes to us all the time.
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What we're not hearing is what are
the people, the everyday people, thinking?
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What are they aspiring to?
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Let's give them the means,
let's give them the words.
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The silent majority is silent
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because they don't have the words.
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The silent majority needs to know.
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It is time to provide people
with the knowledge tools
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that they can inform themselves with.
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The silent majority does not
need to be silent.
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Let's help them have a voice.
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Thank you very much.
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(Applause)