Return to Video

Will automation take away all our jobs?

  • 0:01 - 0:03
    Here's a startling fact:
  • 0:03 - 0:07
    in the 45 years since the introduction
    of the automated teller machine,
  • 0:07 - 0:10
    those vending machines that dispense cash,
  • 0:10 - 0:13
    the number of human bank tellers
    employed in the United States
  • 0:13 - 0:14
    has roughly doubled,
  • 0:14 - 0:17
    from about a quarter of a million
    to a half a million.
  • 0:18 - 0:20
    A quarter of a million in 1972,
    about a half a million today,
  • 0:20 - 0:25
    with 100,000 added since the year 2000.
  • 0:25 - 0:27
    These facts, revealed in a recent book
  • 0:27 - 0:30
    by Boston University
    economist James Bessen,
  • 0:30 - 0:33
    raise an intriguing question:
  • 0:33 - 0:35
    what are all those tellers doing
  • 0:35 - 0:39
    and why hasn't automation
    eliminated their employment by now?
  • 0:39 - 0:40
    If you think about it,
  • 0:40 - 0:43
    many of the great inventions
    of the last 200 years
  • 0:43 - 0:46
    were designed to replace human labor.
  • 0:47 - 0:48
    Tractors were developed
  • 0:49 - 0:53
    to substitute mechanical power
    for human physical toil.
  • 0:53 - 0:55
    Assembly lines were engineered
  • 0:55 - 0:59
    to replace inconsistent human handiwork
  • 0:59 - 1:01
    with machine perfection.
  • 1:01 - 1:04
    Computers were programmed to swap out
  • 1:04 - 1:06
    error-prone, inconsistent
    human calculation
  • 1:06 - 1:08
    with digital perfection.
  • 1:09 - 1:11
    These inventions have worked.
  • 1:11 - 1:13
    We no longer dig ditches by hand,
  • 1:13 - 1:15
    pound tools out of wrought iron,
  • 1:15 - 1:17
    or do bookkeeping using actual books.
  • 1:18 - 1:23
    And yet, the fraction of US adults
    employed in the labor market
  • 1:23 - 1:26
    is higher now in 2016
  • 1:26 - 1:29
    than it was 125 years ago, in 1890,
  • 1:29 - 1:32
    and it's risen in just about every decade
  • 1:32 - 1:34
    in the intervening 125 years.
  • 1:35 - 1:36
    This poses a paradox.
  • 1:37 - 1:40
    Our machines increasingly
    do our work for us.
  • 1:40 - 1:44
    Why doesn't this make our labor redundant
    and our skills obsolete?
  • 1:44 - 1:48
    Why are there still so many jobs?
  • 1:48 - 1:49
    (Laughter)
  • 1:49 - 1:52
    I'm going to try to answer
    that question tonight,
  • 1:52 - 1:56
    and along the way, I'm going to tell you
    what this means for the future of work
  • 1:56 - 2:00
    and the challenges that automation
    does and does not pose
  • 2:00 - 2:01
    for our society.
  • 2:03 - 2:04
    Why are there so many jobs?
  • 2:06 - 2:09
    There are actually two fundamental
    economic principles at stake.
  • 2:09 - 2:12
    One has to do with human genius
  • 2:12 - 2:13
    and creativity.
  • 2:13 - 2:16
    The other has to do
    with human insatiability,
  • 2:16 - 2:18
    or greed, if you like.
  • 2:18 - 2:20
    I'm going to call the first of these
    the O-ring principle,
  • 2:20 - 2:23
    and it determines
    the type of work that we do.
  • 2:23 - 2:25
    The second principle
    is the never-get-enough principle,
  • 2:25 - 2:29
    and it determines how many jobs
    there actually are.
  • 2:29 - 2:32
    Let's start with the O-ring.
  • 2:32 - 2:35
    ATMs, automated teller machines,
  • 2:35 - 2:38
    had two countervailing effects
    on bank teller employment.
  • 2:38 - 2:41
    As you would expect,
    they replaced a lot of teller tasks.
  • 2:41 - 2:43
    The number of tellers per branch
    fell by about a third.
  • 2:44 - 2:48
    But banks quickly discovered that it
    also was cheaper to open new branches,
  • 2:48 - 2:51
    and the number of bank branches
    increased by about 40 percent
  • 2:51 - 2:53
    in the same time period.
  • 2:53 - 2:57
    The net result was more branches
    and more tellers.
  • 2:57 - 3:01
    But those tellers were doing
    somewhat different work.
  • 3:01 - 3:05
    As their routine,
    cash-handling tasks receded,
  • 3:05 - 3:07
    they became less like checkout clerks
  • 3:07 - 3:09
    and more like salespeople,
  • 3:09 - 3:11
    forging relationships with customers,
  • 3:11 - 3:12
    solving problems
  • 3:12 - 3:16
    and introducing them to new products
    like credit cards, loans, and investments:
  • 3:16 - 3:20
    more tellers doing
    a more cognitively demanding job.
  • 3:21 - 3:22
    There's a general principle here.
  • 3:23 - 3:25
    Most of the work that we do
  • 3:25 - 3:28
    requires a multiplicity of skills,
  • 3:29 - 3:32
    and brains and brawn,
  • 3:32 - 3:36
    technical expertise and intuitive mastery,
  • 3:36 - 3:39
    perspiration and inspiration
    in the words of Thomas Edison.
  • 3:39 - 3:43
    In general, automating
    some subset of those tasks
  • 3:43 - 3:45
    doesn't make the other ones unnecessary.
  • 3:45 - 3:48
    In fact, it makes them more important.
  • 3:49 - 3:51
    It increases their economic value.
  • 3:51 - 3:53
    Let me give you a stark example.
  • 3:53 - 3:57
    In 1986, the space shuttle Challenger
  • 3:57 - 3:59
    exploded and crashed back down to Earth
  • 3:59 - 4:01
    less than two minutes after takeoff.
  • 4:02 - 4:05
    The cause of that crash, it turned out,
  • 4:05 - 4:08
    was an inexpensive rubber O-ring
    in the booster rocket
  • 4:08 - 4:11
    that had frozen on the launchpad
    the night before
  • 4:11 - 4:15
    and failed catastrophically
    moments after takeoff.
  • 4:15 - 4:17
    In this multibillion dollar enterprise
  • 4:18 - 4:19
    that simple rubber O-ring
  • 4:19 - 4:22
    made the difference
    between mission success
  • 4:22 - 4:25
    and the calamitous death
    of seven astronauts.
  • 4:26 - 4:29
    An ingenious metaphor
    for this tragic setting
  • 4:29 - 4:32
    is the O-ring production function,
  • 4:32 - 4:34
    named by Harvard economist Michael Kremer
  • 4:34 - 4:36
    after the Challenger disaster.
  • 4:36 - 4:39
    The O-ring production function
    conceives of the work
  • 4:39 - 4:41
    as a series of interlocking steps,
  • 4:41 - 4:42
    links in a chain.
  • 4:42 - 4:46
    Every one of those links must hold
    for the mission to succeed.
  • 4:46 - 4:48
    If any of them fails,
  • 4:48 - 4:52
    the mission, or the product,
    or the service,
  • 4:52 - 4:53
    comes crashing down.
  • 4:54 - 4:58
    This precarious situation
    has a surprisingly positive implication,
  • 4:59 - 5:00
    which is that improvements
  • 5:00 - 5:03
    in the reliability
    of any one link in the chain
  • 5:03 - 5:07
    increases the value
    of improving any of the other links.
  • 5:07 - 5:12
    Concretely, if most of the links
    are brittle and prone to breakage,
  • 5:12 - 5:15
    the fact that your link
    is not that reliable
  • 5:15 - 5:16
    is not that important.
  • 5:16 - 5:18
    Probably something else will break anyway.
  • 5:18 - 5:22
    But as all the other links
    become robust and reliable,
  • 5:22 - 5:26
    the importance of your link
    becomes more essential.
  • 5:26 - 5:28
    In the limit, everything depends upon it.
  • 5:29 - 5:32
    The reason the O-ring was critical
    to space shuttle Challenger
  • 5:32 - 5:35
    is because everything else
    worked perfectly.
  • 5:35 - 5:38
    If the Challenger were
    kind of the space era equivalent
  • 5:38 - 5:41
    of Microsoft Windows 2000 --
  • 5:41 - 5:43
    (Laughter)
  • 5:43 - 5:45
    the reliability of the O-ring
    wouldn't have mattered
  • 5:45 - 5:47
    because the machine would have crashed.
  • 5:47 - 5:49
    (Laughter)
  • 5:50 - 5:52
    Here's the broader point.
  • 5:52 - 5:55
    In much of the work that we do,
    we are the O-rings.
  • 5:55 - 5:59
    Yes, ATMs could do
    certain cash-handling tasks
  • 5:59 - 6:02
    faster and better than tellers,
  • 6:02 - 6:04
    but that didn't make tellers superfluous.
  • 6:04 - 6:07
    It increased the importance
    of their problem-solving skills
  • 6:07 - 6:10
    and their relationships with customers.
  • 6:10 - 6:13
    The same principle applies
    if we're building a building,
  • 6:13 - 6:16
    if we're diagnosing
    and caring for a patient,
  • 6:16 - 6:19
    or if we are teaching a class
  • 6:19 - 6:22
    to a roomful of high schoolers.
  • 6:22 - 6:24
    As our tools improve,
  • 6:24 - 6:26
    technology magnifies our leverage
  • 6:26 - 6:30
    and increases the importance
    of our expertise
  • 6:30 - 6:32
    and our judgment and our creativity.
  • 6:33 - 6:35
    And that brings me
    to the second principle:
  • 6:36 - 6:37
    never get enough.
  • 6:38 - 6:41
    You may be thinking, OK, O-ring, got it,
  • 6:41 - 6:44
    that says the jobs that people do
    will be important.
  • 6:44 - 6:47
    They can't be done by machines,
    but they still need to be done.
  • 6:47 - 6:50
    But that doesn't tell me
    how many jobs there will need to be.
  • 6:50 - 6:52
    If you think about it,
    isn't it kind of self-evident
  • 6:52 - 6:55
    that once we get sufficiently
    productive at something,
  • 6:55 - 6:57
    we've basically
    worked our way out of a job?
  • 6:57 - 7:00
    In 1900, 40 percent of all US employment
  • 7:00 - 7:01
    was on farms.
  • 7:01 - 7:03
    Today, it's less than two percent.
  • 7:03 - 7:05
    Why are there so few farmers today?
  • 7:05 - 7:07
    It's not because we're eating less.
  • 7:07 - 7:10
    (Laughter)
  • 7:10 - 7:13
    A century of productivity
    growth in farming
  • 7:13 - 7:15
    means that now,
    a couple of million farmers
  • 7:15 - 7:18
    can feed a nation of 320 million.
  • 7:18 - 7:19
    That's amazing progress,
  • 7:19 - 7:24
    but it also means there are
    only so many O-ring jobs left in farming.
  • 7:24 - 7:27
    So clearly, technology can eliminate jobs.
  • 7:27 - 7:28
    Farming is only one example.
  • 7:28 - 7:30
    There are many others like it.
  • 7:31 - 7:35
    But what's true about a single product
    or service or industry
  • 7:35 - 7:38
    has never been true
    about the economy as a whole.
  • 7:38 - 7:41
    Many of the industries
    in which we now work --
  • 7:41 - 7:43
    health and medicine,
  • 7:43 - 7:45
    finance and insurance,
  • 7:45 - 7:47
    electronics and computing --
  • 7:48 - 7:50
    were tiny or barely existent
    a century ago.
  • 7:50 - 7:53
    Many of the products
    that we spend a lot of our money on --
  • 7:53 - 7:55
    air conditioners, sport utility vehicles,
  • 7:55 - 7:57
    computers and mobile devices --
  • 7:57 - 7:59
    were unattainably expensive,
  • 7:59 - 8:01
    or just hadn't been invented
    a century ago.
  • 8:02 - 8:07
    As automation frees our time,
    increases the scope of what is possible,
  • 8:07 - 8:10
    we invent new products,
    new ideas, new services
  • 8:10 - 8:12
    that command our attention,
  • 8:12 - 8:13
    occupy our time,
  • 8:13 - 8:15
    and spur consumption.
  • 8:16 - 8:19
    You may think some
    of these things are frivolous --
  • 8:19 - 8:22
    extreme yoga, adventure tourism,
  • 8:22 - 8:23
    Pokemon Go --
  • 8:23 - 8:24
    and I might agree with you.
  • 8:25 - 8:28
    But people desire these things,
    and they're willing to work hard for them.
  • 8:28 - 8:31
    The average worker in 2015
  • 8:31 - 8:35
    wanting to attain
    the average living standard in 1915
  • 8:35 - 8:38
    could do so by working
    just 17 weeks a year,
  • 8:38 - 8:40
    one third of the time.
  • 8:40 - 8:42
    But most people don't choose to do that.
  • 8:42 - 8:44
    They are willing to work hard
  • 8:44 - 8:48
    to harvest the technological bounty
    that is available to them.
  • 8:48 - 8:53
    Material abundance has never
    eliminated perceived scarcity.
  • 8:53 - 8:55
    In the words of economist
    Thorstein Veblen,
  • 8:55 - 8:58
    invention is the mother of necessity.
  • 9:00 - 9:01
    Now ...
  • 9:01 - 9:03
    So if you accept these two principles,
  • 9:03 - 9:06
    the O-ring principle
    and the never-get-enough principle,
  • 9:06 - 9:08
    then you agree with me.
  • 9:08 - 9:09
    There will be jobs.
  • 9:10 - 9:12
    Does that mean there's
    nothing to worry about?
  • 9:12 - 9:15
    Automation, employment, robots and jobs --
  • 9:15 - 9:16
    it'll all take care of itself?
  • 9:17 - 9:18
    No.
  • 9:18 - 9:20
    That is not my argument.
  • 9:20 - 9:23
    Automation creates wealth
  • 9:23 - 9:26
    by allowing us to do
    more work in less time.
  • 9:26 - 9:27
    There is no economic law
  • 9:27 - 9:30
    that says that we
    will use that wealth well,
  • 9:30 - 9:32
    and that is worth worrying about.
  • 9:33 - 9:35
    Consider two countries,
  • 9:35 - 9:37
    Norway and Saudi Arabia.
  • 9:37 - 9:38
    Both oil-rich nations,
  • 9:38 - 9:42
    it's like they have money
    spurting out of a hole in the ground.
  • 9:42 - 9:44
    (Laughter)
  • 9:44 - 9:49
    But they haven't used that wealth
    equally well to foster human prosperity,
  • 9:49 - 9:50
    human prospering.
  • 9:50 - 9:53
    Norway is a thriving democracy.
  • 9:53 - 9:57
    By and large, its citizens
    work and play well together.
  • 9:57 - 10:00
    It's typically numbered
    between first and fourth
  • 10:00 - 10:03
    in rankings of national happiness.
  • 10:03 - 10:05
    Saudi Arabia is an absolute monarchy
  • 10:05 - 10:09
    in which many citizens
    lack a path for personal advancement.
  • 10:09 - 10:12
    It's typically ranked 35th
    among nations in happiness,
  • 10:13 - 10:15
    which is low for such a wealthy nation.
  • 10:15 - 10:16
    Just by way of comparison,
  • 10:16 - 10:19
    the US is typically ranked
    around 12th or 13th.
  • 10:19 - 10:21
    The difference between these two countries
  • 10:22 - 10:23
    is not their wealth
  • 10:23 - 10:25
    and it's not their technology.
  • 10:25 - 10:26
    It's their institutions.
  • 10:27 - 10:30
    Norway has invested to build a society
  • 10:30 - 10:33
    with opportunity and economic mobility.
  • 10:33 - 10:35
    Saudi Arabia has raised living standards
  • 10:35 - 10:39
    while frustrating
    many other human strivings.
  • 10:39 - 10:41
    Two countries, both wealthy,
  • 10:41 - 10:43
    not equally well off.
  • 10:44 - 10:48
    And this brings me
    to the challenge that we face today,
  • 10:48 - 10:50
    the challenge that
    automation poses for us.
  • 10:50 - 10:53
    The challenge is not
    that we're running out of work.
  • 10:53 - 10:55
    The US has added 14 million jobs
  • 10:55 - 10:57
    since the depths of the Great Recession.
  • 10:57 - 11:00
    The challenge is that many of those jobs
  • 11:00 - 11:01
    are not good jobs,
  • 11:01 - 11:04
    and many citizens
    cannot qualify for the good jobs
  • 11:04 - 11:05
    that are being created.
  • 11:06 - 11:09
    Employment growth in the United States
    and in much of the developed world
  • 11:09 - 11:11
    looks something like a barbell
  • 11:11 - 11:14
    with increasing poundage
    on either end of the bar.
  • 11:14 - 11:15
    On the one hand,
  • 11:15 - 11:18
    you have high-education, high-wage jobs
  • 11:18 - 11:22
    like doctors and nurses,
    programmers and engineers,
  • 11:22 - 11:24
    marketing and sales managers.
  • 11:24 - 11:27
    Employment is robust in these jobs,
    employment growth.
  • 11:27 - 11:31
    Similarly, employment growth
    is robust in many low-skill,
  • 11:31 - 11:34
    low-education jobs like food service,
  • 11:34 - 11:36
    cleaning, security,
  • 11:36 - 11:37
    home health aids.
  • 11:38 - 11:41
    Simultaneously, employment is shrinking
  • 11:41 - 11:45
    in many middle-education,
    middle-wage, middle-class jobs,
  • 11:45 - 11:49
    like blue-collar production
    and operative positions
  • 11:49 - 11:52
    and white-collar
    clerical and sales positions.
  • 11:52 - 11:54
    The reasons behind this contracting middle
  • 11:54 - 11:56
    are not mysterious.
  • 11:56 - 11:58
    Many of those middle-skill jobs
  • 11:58 - 12:00
    use well-understood rules and procedures
  • 12:00 - 12:03
    that can increasingly
    be codified in software
  • 12:03 - 12:06
    and executed by computers.
  • 12:06 - 12:10
    The challenge that
    this phenomenon creates,
  • 12:10 - 12:12
    what economists call
    employment polarization,
  • 12:12 - 12:15
    is that it knocks out rungs
    in the economic ladder,
  • 12:15 - 12:17
    shrinks the size of the middle class,
  • 12:17 - 12:20
    and threatens to make us
    a more stratified society.
  • 12:20 - 12:24
    On the one hand, a set of highly paid,
    highly educated professionals
  • 12:24 - 12:25
    doing interesting work,
  • 12:25 - 12:29
    on the other, a large number
    of citizens in low-paid jobs
  • 12:29 - 12:34
    whose primary responsibility is to see
    to the comfort and health of the affluent.
  • 12:34 - 12:37
    That is not my vision of progress,
  • 12:37 - 12:39
    and I doubt that it is yours.
  • 12:39 - 12:41
    But here is some encouraging news.
  • 12:41 - 12:46
    We have faced equally momentous
    economic transformations in the past,
  • 12:46 - 12:49
    and we have come
    through them successfully.
  • 12:49 - 12:54
    In the late 1800s and early 1900s,
  • 12:54 - 12:59
    when automation was eliminating
    vast numbers of agricultural jobs --
  • 12:59 - 13:01
    remember that tractor? --
  • 13:01 - 13:04
    the farm states faced a threat
    of mass unemployment,
  • 13:04 - 13:07
    a generation of youth
    no longer needed on the farm
  • 13:08 - 13:09
    but not prepared for industry.
  • 13:10 - 13:12
    Rising to this challenge,
  • 13:12 - 13:13
    they took the radical step
  • 13:13 - 13:16
    of requiring that
    their entire youth population
  • 13:16 - 13:19
    remain in school
    and continue their education
  • 13:19 - 13:21
    to the ripe old age of 16.
  • 13:22 - 13:24
    This was called the high school movement,
  • 13:24 - 13:26
    and it was a radically
    expensive thing to do.
  • 13:26 - 13:29
    Not only did they have
    to invest in the schools,
  • 13:29 - 13:31
    but those kids couldn't work
    at their jobs.
  • 13:31 - 13:35
    It also turned out to be
    one of the best investments
  • 13:35 - 13:37
    the US made in the 20th century.
  • 13:37 - 13:39
    It gave us the most skilled,
    the most flexible,
  • 13:39 - 13:42
    and the most productive
    workforce in the world.
  • 13:42 - 13:47
    To see how well this worked,
    imagine taking the labor force of 1899
  • 13:47 - 13:49
    and bringing them into the present.
  • 13:49 - 13:52
    Despite their strong backs
    and good characters,
  • 13:52 - 13:56
    many of them would lack
    the basic literacy and numeracy skills
  • 13:56 - 13:59
    to do all but the most mundane jobs.
  • 13:59 - 14:01
    Many of them would be unemployable.
  • 14:02 - 14:06
    What this example highlights
    is the primacy of our institutions,
  • 14:06 - 14:07
    most especially our schools,
  • 14:07 - 14:10
    in allowing us to reap the harvest
  • 14:10 - 14:12
    of our technological prosperity.
  • 14:12 - 14:15
    It's foolish to say
    there's nothing to worry about.
  • 14:15 - 14:17
    Clearly we can get this wrong.
  • 14:18 - 14:21
    If the US had not invested
    in its schools and in its skills
  • 14:21 - 14:23
    a century ago with
    the high school movement,
  • 14:23 - 14:25
    we would be a less prosperous,
  • 14:25 - 14:29
    a less mobile, and probably
    a lot less happy society.
  • 14:29 - 14:31
    But it's equally foolish
    to say that our fates are sealed.
  • 14:32 - 14:33
    That's not decided by the machines.
  • 14:33 - 14:35
    It's not even decided by the market.
  • 14:35 - 14:38
    It's decided by us
    and by our institutions.
  • 14:38 - 14:41
    Now, I started this talk with a paradox.
  • 14:41 - 14:44
    Our machines increasingly
    do our work for us.
  • 14:44 - 14:46
    Why doesn't that make
    our labor superfluous,
  • 14:46 - 14:47
    our skills redundant?
  • 14:47 - 14:51
    Isn't it obvious that the road
    to our economic and social hell
  • 14:51 - 14:53
    is paved with our own great inventions?
  • 14:54 - 14:58
    History has repeatedly offered
    an answer to that paradox.
  • 14:58 - 15:02
    The first part of the answer
    is that technology magnifies our leverage,
  • 15:02 - 15:04
    increases the importance, the added value
  • 15:05 - 15:08
    of our expertise,
    our judgment and our creativity.
  • 15:08 - 15:09
    That's the O-ring.
  • 15:10 - 15:13
    The second part of the answer
    is our endless inventiveness
  • 15:13 - 15:14
    and bottomless desires
  • 15:14 - 15:16
    means that we never get enough,
    never get enough.
  • 15:16 - 15:19
    There's always new work to do.
  • 15:20 - 15:23
    Adjusting to the rapid pace
    of technological change
  • 15:23 - 15:25
    creates real challenges,
  • 15:25 - 15:28
    seen most clearly
    in our polarized labor market
  • 15:28 - 15:30
    and the threat that it poses
    to economic mobility.
  • 15:31 - 15:34
    Rising to this challenge is not automatic.
  • 15:34 - 15:36
    It's not costless.
  • 15:36 - 15:37
    It's not easy.
  • 15:37 - 15:39
    But it is feasible.
  • 15:39 - 15:41
    And here is some encouraging news.
  • 15:41 - 15:43
    Because of our amazing productivity,
  • 15:43 - 15:44
    we're rich.
  • 15:44 - 15:48
    Of course we can afford
    to invest in ourselves and in our children
  • 15:48 - 15:51
    as America did a hundred years ago
    with the high school movement.
  • 15:51 - 15:53
    Arguably, we can't afford not to.
  • 15:54 - 15:56
    Now, you may be thinking,
  • 15:56 - 15:59
    Professor Autor has told us
    a heartwarming tale
  • 15:59 - 16:01
    about the distant past,
  • 16:01 - 16:02
    the recent past,
  • 16:02 - 16:05
    maybe the present,
    but probably not the future,
  • 16:05 - 16:09
    because everybody knows
    that this time is different.
  • 16:09 - 16:12
    Right? Is this time different?
  • 16:12 - 16:14
    Of course this time is different.
  • 16:14 - 16:16
    Every time is different.
  • 16:16 - 16:19
    On numerous occasions
    in the last 200 years,
  • 16:19 - 16:22
    scholars and activists
    have raised the alarm
  • 16:22 - 16:26
    that we are running out of work
    and making ourselves obsolete:
  • 16:26 - 16:30
    for example, the Luddites
    in the early 1800s;
  • 16:30 - 16:33
    US Secretary of Labor James Davis
  • 16:33 - 16:36
    in the mid-1920s;
  • 16:36 - 16:41
    Nobel Prize-winning economist
    Wassily Leontief in 1982;
  • 16:41 - 16:44
    and of course, many scholars,
  • 16:44 - 16:46
    pundits, technologists
  • 16:46 - 16:48
    and media figures today.
  • 16:50 - 16:53
    These predictions strike me as arrogant.
  • 16:54 - 16:56
    These self-proclaimed oracles
    are in effect saying,
  • 16:57 - 17:00
    "If I can't think of what people
    will do for work in the future,
  • 17:00 - 17:03
    then you, me, and our kids
  • 17:03 - 17:05
    aren't going to think of it either."
  • 17:06 - 17:08
    I don't have the guts
  • 17:08 - 17:11
    to take that bet against human ingenuity.
  • 17:11 - 17:14
    Look, I can't tell you
    what people are going to do for work
  • 17:14 - 17:16
    a hundred years from now.
  • 17:16 - 17:18
    But the future doesn't hinge
    on my imagination.
  • 17:19 - 17:23
    If I were a farmer in Iowa
    in the year 1900,
  • 17:23 - 17:27
    and an economist from the 21st century
    teleported down to my field
  • 17:27 - 17:29
    and said, "Hey, guess what, Farmer Autor,
  • 17:30 - 17:32
    in the next hundred years,
  • 17:32 - 17:35
    agricultural employment is going to fall
    from 40 percent of all jobs
  • 17:35 - 17:37
    to two percent
  • 17:37 - 17:39
    purely due to rising productivity.
  • 17:39 - 17:43
    What do you think the other
    38 percent of workers are going to do?"
  • 17:43 - 17:46
    I would not have said, "Oh, we got this.
  • 17:46 - 17:49
    We'll do app development,
    radiological medicine,
  • 17:49 - 17:52
    yoga instruction, bitmoji."
  • 17:52 - 17:54
    (Laughter)
  • 17:54 - 17:55
    I wouldn't have had a clue.
  • 17:56 - 17:58
    But I hope I would have had
    the wisdom to say,
  • 17:58 - 18:02
    "Wow, a 95 percent reduction
    in farm employment
  • 18:02 - 18:05
    with no shortage of food.
  • 18:05 - 18:07
    That's an amazing amount of progress.
  • 18:07 - 18:10
    I hope that humanity
    finds something remarkable to do
  • 18:10 - 18:12
    with all of that prosperity."
  • 18:13 - 18:16
    And by and large, I would say that it has.
  • 18:18 - 18:19
    Thank you very much.
  • 18:19 - 18:21
    (Applause)
Title:
Will automation take away all our jobs?
Speaker:
David Autor
Description:

more » « less
Video Language:
English
Team:
closed TED
Project:
TEDTalks
Duration:
18:37

English subtitles

Revisions Compare revisions