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Because Our Cause is Just

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    [music]
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    [chanting with heavy drums]
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    We are equal,
    so we should have the same opportunities.
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    We are not going to let
    anyone take our rights.
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    We won't be quiet;
    we won't lie down.
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    Enough!
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    We want freedom!
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    So we are not going anywhere
    until our demands are met.
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    (narrator) In 2011, a revolutionary
    movement ignited across the Middle East.
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    [Shouting, chanting]
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    People cried out for freedom,
    democracy, dignity,
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    and demanded an end
    to authoritarian rule and corruption.
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    [shouting]
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    Determination and hope
    filled the air.
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    We have an opportunity
    to build on this momentum.
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    I'm 19 years old, okay,
    and I am here to fight.
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    To fight for my freedom
    and for my country.
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    [rhythmic clapping, chanting]
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    (woman) We have our rights,
    and I will fight for our rights.
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    This is our country,
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    and we are gonna liberate
    our country with our hands.
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    We can do it.
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    (Hadi) This was an extraordinary
    moment of history.
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    There was no men/women,
    nothing about Muslims and Christians,
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    nothing,
    everybody supporting everybody.
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    As soon as this cause
    has finished, succeed, achieved,
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    mission accomplished,
    then differences begin to come.
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    (narrator)
    Regimes held for decades crumbled.
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    Others throughout the region
    watched with a wary eye.
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    And women, who had stood
    shoulder to shoulder with men
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    in the struggle for democracy,
    suddenly found themselves pushed aside
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    when it came time
    to formulate new governments,
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    their voices silenced.
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    This exclusion of women
    was not unique to the Middle East.
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    Activists in other countries
    have had similar experiences.
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    (Abiola-Costello)
    Men have a way of marginalizing women
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    when the struggle has been won.
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    Because for them, it's about power,
    and power need not be shared.
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    So women have to organize,
    because when we are organized
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    we become a force.
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    [rhythmic chanting]
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    And women need to be clear about this.
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    We need not just fight for democracy,
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    we must fight
    for women's voices in democracy.
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    A movement of democratization
    does not necessarily mean
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    a movement that will include women
    in terms of equality in laws.
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    President Hosni Mubarak
    has stepped down,
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    has stepped down,
    bringing his 30 year rule to an end.
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    (woman) These so-called revolutionary
    moments that are moments of foundation
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    of a new order are very important,
    in the sense that they offer
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    an avenue of opportunities.
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    They are very dangerous also.
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    (female interpreter)
    I voted in the election
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    but those
    who come to power forget about us.
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    (male interpreter) We wanted
    the revolution to produce freedom and dignity,
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    but now we're back to square one.
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    (narrator) Decades of authoritarian rule
    stifled the development of democratic forces,
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    leaving little opportunity
    for political organizing.
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    Houses of worship,
    on the other hand,
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    shielded by religion,
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    thrived as centers
    of fundamentalist political activity.
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    (woman) The progressive forces
    wanted a free democratic society,
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    but they had really
    no experience of how to get there,
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    how to make that kind of society happen,
    what are the basic, uh, structures
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    upon which such a society
    would be based.
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    And no time: you can immediately
    make people go and drop a vote
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    in a ballot box,
    but you don't have time enough
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    to form the infrastructure
    so that that vote is thought out,
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    and decisions are made
    on the basis of the goals clearly stated.
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    [chanting]
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    (narrator)
    Determined to create a theocratic state,
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    religious conservatives had
    the established networks,
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    the organization,
    and the financial resources
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    to quickly mobilize
    and fill the leadership void.
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    Resources that were readily provided
    by other fundamentalist states
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    in the region.
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    They also had a very simple
    but important message:
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    God is on our side,
    and a vote for us is a vote for Islam.
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    (male interpreter)
    We're here to apply God's Sharia.
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    As long as we love God,
    we have to follow his Islamic law.
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    (male interpreter) I don't understand
    those who talk about meaningless philosophy
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    and principles and other nonsense,
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    our demand is clear:
    it is to apply Islamic Sharia.
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    (narrator) With a long history
    of rigged elections, and the rapid emergence
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    of new political parties,
    people turned to what they knew,
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    what they felt they could trust:
    their religion.
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    And the Islamists promised solutions
    to all of their society's problems.
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    [chanting]
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    Consequently, they won elections
    in Tunisia, Egypt, and Morocco,
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    putting them in charge of drafting
    new constitutions and laws
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    that, once written,
    would be hard to change.
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    (woman) Women in particular have
    a lot to lose if there are non-democratic,
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    Islamic-oriented parties seizing,
    uh, the power, and imposing,
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    uh, rather than allowing a pluralist
    voice to be heard in the country.
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    Then what woman have gained
    can be seriously challenged,
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    and in some cases, withdrawn,
    because rights that are given
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    can easily be taken.
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    When people are in a position,
    what they say and do
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    is completely different
    when they are in power.
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    When Khomeini, for example,
    was in exile,
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    he kept saying that the clerics
    are not after state power,
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    but of course we all know what happened
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    when he tasted
    the intoxicating taste of power.
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    And he took control of every aspect
    of not only the state,
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    but every minute details of peoples' lives
    were dictated by the Islamists.
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    (Afkhami)
    The power of fundamentalist
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    conservative forces has always been
    pushing back the rights of women.
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    The women belong to the private space,
    and men to the public space.
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    They concentrate on complementarity,
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    which means women
    are complements of the men,
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    but not whole, independent
    human beings on their own.
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    So they resent and reject
    anything that brings women
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    to a position of equality.
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    In the countries in transition,
    I think the role of women is a test,
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    because if you cannot see
    full equality for women,
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    you may be sure that you can't see
    full equality for any minority.
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    [music]
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    (narrator) The Middle East North Africa region
    is comprised of many diverse countries,
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    with different economies,
    different governing and legal systems,
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    different local cultures,
    but in nearly all of them,
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    women do not have the same rights as men,
    either socially or legally.
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    Historically, this was true
    across the globe.
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    In Europe, women did not have the right
    to vote until the early to mid 1900s.
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    In the United States,
    it wasn't until 1920.
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    While many regions have made notable
    progress towards equal rights since then,
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    most of the Middle East North Africa
    region has not.
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    [music]
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    (woman) Advances in education
    and access to health care for women
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    has not led to higher participation
    or higher representation,
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    uh, of women in politics
    and in the economy,
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    where we know that this
    is where the power, uh, is.
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    And so you are in a situation
    where patriarchy prevails,
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    where institutions are patriarchal,
    governments are patriarchal.
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    If you think about all this together,
    you realize how much women's lives,
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    women's bodies, are controlled
    by this patriarchal system.
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    (narrator) And nowhere
    is that more evident than in family laws.
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    Heavily influenced by religious law,
    they determine nearly every aspect
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    of a woman's life:
    the right to hold a job
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    even the type of job,
    the right to marry, the right to divorce,
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    property rights, education,
    inheritance, child custody,
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    even the rights
    to pass on her nationality,
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    all in the name of custom and tradition.
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    (Afkhami)
    Islamist inspired governments
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    don't seem to have any trouble
    with laws changing
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    as you become more modern and engaged
    in an industrial and globalized world.
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    So they change commercial laws,
    they change economic laws,
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    they change laws regarding politics,
    but when it comes to women,
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    suddenly it is only Sharia law
    that you have to follow,
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    and Sharia law as interpreted
    by a certain, very elite group of clerics.
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    (narrator) Contrary to the revolutionary calls
    for freedom and democracy,
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    fundamentalists have been pushing
    to enshrine Sharia law
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    into their new constitutions,
    further advancing the trend
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    of using religion
    as a source of legislation,
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    rather than principles of equality
    and human rights.
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    (male interpreter) We have prepared
    a complete Islamic constitution,
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    and it contains
    nothing else than Islam.
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    And it is not affected by Greek,
    Persian, or Indian philosophy.
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    (narrator) This not only threatens women,
    it also affects minorities,
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    and leaves legal interpretations
    to a small group of religious leaders.
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    (female interpreter)
    We have made many gains in the past era.
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    We hope they won't be taken away from us,
    like the right to divorce.
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    For many years, women suffered in courts.
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    Why do they want
    to strip us of that right?
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    (narrator) Intent on turning back the clock,
    religious fundamentalists not only
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    want to take away
    a woman's right to divorce,
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    they're calling to reinstate practices
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    like polygamy
    and female genital mutilation.
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    Practices that bring
    significant danger and harm to women.
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    (male interpreter)
    The rule that limited
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    the number of wives
    to one is against Sharia law,
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    and it should be banned.
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    (male narrator) I like Jalil's opinion
    about having not one wife, but two or three.
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    I think this is right
    because Sharia law says so.
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    (narrator) In Egypt,
    newly elected conservative Islamists
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    are calling
    to lower the age of marriage
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    for girls from 18
    to as young as 9 years old.
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    Violence against women
    is very much linked
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    to woman's overall status in society.
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    So it's not just the harm done,
    which the governments are very happy
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    to accept as harm done,
    because, uh, they can be benevolent
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    and find ways of preventing,
    protecting a woman from violence.
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    But the challenge is to insist that
    it's not only a matter of harm done
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    but woman's subordinated position
    is what is at stake here.
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    So unless the patriarchal structures
    are challenged,
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    woman will always be a target
    of indiscreet forms of violence.
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    (female interpreter) We are stripped
    of our dignity when we use public transportation.
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    It is used in every conservative society
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    to oblige women
    not to be part of the public life.
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    Because if you are part
    of the public life,
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    that mean men can
    sexually harass you.
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    (male reporter) Hundreds of protesters
    have gathered outside
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    a central courthouse
    in the Tunisian capital of Tunis
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    to support a 27-year-old woman
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    who has been accused
    of violating indecency laws
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    after she was allegedly raped
    by police officers.
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    The case has highlighted fears
    that the traditionally secular country
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    could be falling under the influence
    of Islamist fundamentalists.
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    [chanting]
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    (narrator) Since the revolutions,
    acts of intimidation
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    and violence against women
    in public demonstrations
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    have increased across the region.
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    Some have even been committed
    by government forces.
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    (female reporter)
    This video shows a young woman
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    being beaten and stripped by soldiers.
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    (narrator)
    Others by gangs of young men.
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    (male reporter) A young student
    journalist was being subjected
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    to the most horrendous
    sexual assault by a mob of men.
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    (narrator) And most are not prosecuted,
    sending a very troubling message
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    that women in public are fair game,
    particularly women activists.
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    (female interpreter)
    It's totally obvious that some of them
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    intend to scare women
    away from the square.
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    (male interpreter) Most of the time,
    they form a long chain,
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    moving together,
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    their hands on each other's backs,
    like a train.
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    (female interpreter)
    They attack the girls:
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    they rip their clothes off
    and sexually assaulted them.
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    (male interpreter)
    We went to rescue the girl.
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    Suddenly all of them took out weapons:
    switchblades and knives.
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    And those that didn't have weapons
    took off their belts to beat us with.
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    (female interpreter) We received a lot of reports
    about the incidents of sexual assault
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    that are taking place,
    and we believe that they are all exeucted
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    in a similar way,
    and we feel that the assaults are organized.
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    But that's not going to stop us
    from going to the square,
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    because we have to expose
    the people behind this.
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    [machine gunfire]
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    (Khader)
    In a society like Libya, for example,
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    and Syria now, woman are raped,
    woman are really victims
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    not only because they are citizens
    in a country that has physical conflict
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    but also because
    they are woman in this society.
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    In Egypt, a whole group
    of women's rights activists
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    have been fighting for many years
    to bring some marginal improvements
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    to the legislation.
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    They had, for instance,
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    a success with the no fault divorce,
    the khula.
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    However, these were appropriated
    by the ruling regime,
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    and they became
    Suzanne Mubarek's law,
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    and created what you might call
    a "first lady syndrome,"
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    so that the women's rights agenda
    became appropriated
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    by the national machineries.
  • 17:11 - 17:16
    So, as a result, the detractors
    now claim that these were simply
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    the apparatuses of a corrupt regime.
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    (Afkhami)
    This is what happens with the backlash
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    in terms of trying to disempower women,
    to tell them that they have no agency,
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    that they don't make any difference,
    that they can't change their own lives.
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    So denying those changes,
    and denying the role of women
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    in thinking about those changes,
    is one of the strategies that they use.
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    (narrator) With the region's
    strategic location and abundance of oil,
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    geopolitical issues have had
    a long, complex history,
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    burdened with the legacies
    of colonialism and Cold War politics.
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    Historically, international powers
    have focused on political stability
  • 17:58 - 18:01
    and commercial interests,
    often at the expense
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    of human rights and democracy.
  • 18:07 - 18:12
    Then, in 2001, geopolitical concerns
    took on another dimension.
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    [ambulance siren]
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    (Erturk) After 9/11, national security
    became a number one concern.
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    And human security
    became, uh, marginalized.
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    Uh, and woman's groups,
    uh, woman's rights issues,
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    uh, particularly became targeted,
    not only because states' willingness
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    uh, on this platform has, uh,
    diminished, or the priority has gone down,
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    but the whole security discourse
    created new, uh, hardline political actors
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    to become more effective
    throughout the world.
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    (Kandiyoti)
    Women's rights issues and geopolitics
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    may seem poles apart,
    but they're not.
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    I think that a lot is going
    to be sacrificed and overlooked
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    on the altar of geopolitics,
    by which I mean successor regimes
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    in the MENA region.
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    I think that as long as they
    toe the line of being market economies.
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    following a broadly sympathetic agenda
    to the powers of the West,
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    nobody will look very closely
    at what they do internally.
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    (narrator)
    And that puts struggling democracies
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    and the future of minority
    and women's rights in jeopardy.
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    (Afkhami) International support
    makes a huge difference.
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    If people around the world
    understand what is at stake,
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    that womens' role is completely
    interconnected with the possibilities
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    of living in a modern
    and democratic society
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    and a developed society
    with economic well-being,
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    and that this kind of society's
    indispensable to peace and safety
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    for everyone across the world.
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    (female reporter)
    Activist Amal Dalhadi
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    says it's time
    Egypt's majority population
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    women, get equal rights.
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    No discrimination on any basis:
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    not on gender issues,
    not on religious issues.
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    (female interperter)
    The main challenge in Egypt
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    is similar to other Arab countries
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    where political Islam
    now holds power.
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    These forces don't allow
    for a genuine participation of women.
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    There is also the added problem
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    that the Islamists
    have a wide community outreach,
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    particularly in poorer areas,
    making women's participation
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    especially difficult.
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    (narrator) In Tunisia,
    fundamentalists tried to include
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    the concept of complementarity
    in their new constitution
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    to legally define
    a woman's role in society.
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    Activists, however,
    organized and defeated that measure.
  • 21:06 - 21:09
    But in Egypt, women were blocked
    from the constitutional committee
  • 21:09 - 21:14
    altogether in a power grab
    by Islamist parties.
  • 21:14 - 21:19
    The way that the-the party has been ruled
    so far, uh, did not really allow
  • 21:19 - 21:25
    for strong participation or inclusion
    of women in decision making.
  • 21:25 - 21:26
    We thought that
  • 21:26 - 21:31
    with a new democratic Egypt
    this would be over.
  • 21:31 - 21:33
    (narrator)
    And in Jordan and Morocco,
  • 21:33 - 21:36
    countries that didn't
    experience regime change,
  • 21:36 - 21:37
    women's rights activists
    have been seeking
  • 21:37 - 21:43
    constitutional reforms for decades,
    only to face familiar resistance.
  • 21:43 - 21:46
    Many of our recommendations
    were taken into consideration,
  • 21:46 - 21:49
    but in the last moment
    they'd remove one word
  • 21:49 - 21:55
    which was essential for woman's rights,
    which is equality between all citizens
  • 21:55 - 22:01
    despite of their religious,
    language, or race or sex.
  • 22:01 - 22:05
    They, eh, eh, em, removed the word sex.
  • 22:05 - 22:07
    And some of them, of course,
  • 22:07 - 22:11
    they said all citizens
    means all men and woman in the country.
  • 22:11 - 22:14
    But if it is the same,
    why you remove it?
  • 22:14 - 22:18
    So it is really very worrying,
    that the addition of powers
  • 22:18 - 22:23
    are still trying to play this superiority
    of men over women in the society.
  • 22:26 - 22:29
    (narrator) But in Morocco,
    activists were able to counter
  • 22:29 - 22:33
    long-held conservative
    religious arguments.
  • 22:38 - 22:42
    (female interpreter) We were able
    to utilize and base our case
  • 22:42 - 22:45
    on interpretations made
    by imminent Muslim scholars
  • 22:45 - 22:48
    who have proven that you can live
    in Muslim countries
  • 22:48 - 22:49
    while being modern countries,
  • 22:49 - 22:54
    and still have access
    to fundamental liberties and rights.
  • 22:55 - 22:59
    (narrator) Their efforts resulted in
    reforms that not only guaranteed equality
  • 22:59 - 23:02
    between men and women,
    but also stated that international law
  • 23:02 - 23:07
    supersedes national law
    when it comes to these issues.
  • 23:09 - 23:12
    (female interpreter) The clear
    recognition within the constitution
  • 23:12 - 23:15
    that men and women are equal,
    particularly in a civil code,
  • 23:15 - 23:18
    which is where individual liberties
    are determined,
  • 23:18 - 23:22
    that recognition was a tremendous step
    forward for us.
  • 23:22 - 23:24
    There is a political will,
  • 23:24 - 23:28
    but also mobilizing the women's movement
    is very important.
  • 23:28 - 23:30
    We know how to work together,
  • 23:30 - 23:32
    and we also know how to build alliances
    and create strategies
  • 23:32 - 23:38
    to be able to have an impact on the street
    and also on the decision-makers.
  • 23:38 - 23:41
    (narrator) Achieving constitutional change
    was a huge success,
  • 23:41 - 23:45
    but getting these rights implemented
    is still a challenge.
  • 23:45 - 23:47
    And with Islamists
    winning recent elections,
  • 23:47 - 23:52
    activists are certain
    to face more resistance.
  • 23:52 - 23:55
    (female interpreter)
    With the rise of the PJD,
  • 23:55 - 23:58
    the situation of women
    will become even worse.
  • 23:58 - 24:01
    We want moderates,
    but these Islamists are not moderate.
  • 24:01 - 24:05
    They all hold extremist views on women.
  • 24:10 - 24:14
    (female interpreter) What's so
    interesting to observe currently in Morocco
  • 24:14 - 24:16
    is how they will manage
    these contradictions
  • 24:16 - 24:19
    between a constitution
    that clearly defines values,
  • 24:19 - 24:22
    and their own values,
    which are closer to Islam:
  • 24:22 - 24:25
    cultural specificity,
    the family, and so on.
  • 24:29 - 24:32
    I think they have to evolve
    because otherwise they cannot manage
  • 24:32 - 24:35
    these contradictions
    and these paradoxes.
  • 24:35 - 24:37
    Morocco has progressed.
  • 24:37 - 24:39
    We cannot go back 20 years.
  • 24:39 - 24:42
    So they will also have to evolve.
  • 24:50 - 24:53
    (male reporter) Chief Mohan Bhagwat's
    go a step further:
  • 24:53 - 24:55
    In a speech in Indore
    he said that women
  • 24:55 - 24:58
    must restrict themselves
    to household work.
  • 24:58 - 25:02
    (female reporter) And in Madhya Pradesh,
    a PJD Prime Minister Kailsah Vijayvargiya
  • 25:02 - 25:07
    said rape is punishment for women
    who cross the limits of decency.
  • 25:07 - 25:10
    (male reporter) This shy eight-year-old girl
    has become the face of a national battle
  • 25:10 - 25:13
    against extremist, ultraorthodox Jews.
  • 25:13 - 25:16
    Israel is outraged by the story
    of Naama Margolese,
  • 25:16 - 25:19
    a second grade student who fears
    walking to her religious girls' school
  • 25:21 - 25:25
    because of ultraorthodox radicals
    who have cursed and spat upon her
  • 25:25 - 25:29
    for dressing in a fashion
    they consider immodest.
  • 25:29 - 25:33
    The political field has changed
    because now
  • 25:33 - 25:39
    there is a much stronger presence
    of religious radicalists.
  • 25:39 - 25:44
    And, uh, while we talk a lot
    about Islam, sometimes we forget
  • 25:44 - 25:50
    about Christian radicalism,
    with Evangelical churches in plural,
  • 25:50 - 25:53
    with Catholic church,
  • 25:53 - 25:57
    and with their sacred alliances
    in many issues,
  • 25:57 - 26:00
    and against particularly
    when women's body,
  • 26:00 - 26:04
    and decision over her body
    is the target.
  • 26:04 - 26:05
    What does that make her?
  • 26:05 - 26:07
    It makes her a slut, right?
  • 26:07 - 26:10
    After that huge firestorm
    developing after Rush Limbaugh's
  • 26:10 - 26:12
    controversial comments
    on his radio show
  • 26:12 - 26:15
    about a Georgetown student
    in the center of a battle
  • 26:15 - 26:19
    over contraception
    and religious rights.
  • 26:19 - 26:21
    (Kanyoro)
    Now we see in the United States,
  • 26:21 - 26:25
    with the Rightest movement growing,
    and putting down the issues
  • 26:25 - 26:29
    of women's reproductive health,
    women's choices,
  • 26:29 - 26:38
    and making most unbelievable statements
    to young women who never even knew
  • 26:38 - 26:42
    that there were issues
    about use of contraceptives.
  • 26:42 - 26:45
    [chanting]
  • 26:45 - 26:49
    Murder is murder,
    no matter what you call it.
  • 26:49 - 26:51
    (Kanyoro) They believe that
    that was a right that women had received,
  • 26:51 - 26:55
    and they would retain it forever,
    so we must have a place of defending
  • 26:55 - 26:58
    what we have achieved.
  • 26:58 - 27:02
    In structures of power,
    the way women have been treated,
  • 27:02 - 27:09
    the way women have been positioned,
    is really very similar in spite of the va-
  • 27:09 - 27:13
    uh, differences in style
    and in implementation.
  • 27:13 - 27:19
    And the only way that we can change
    that situation is by solidarity
  • 27:19 - 27:23
    across borders, across religions,
    across culture.
  • 27:23 - 27:28
    Where is the women's voice to define
    a different understanding of religion?
  • 27:28 - 27:30
    Now is the time.
  • 27:34 - 27:38
    What is most important is to rebuild
    powers on the ground,
  • 27:38 - 27:42
    and to empower woman and men
    who are really pro-democracy,
  • 27:42 - 27:46
    who are really, eh, fighting
    for their right to be united,
  • 27:46 - 27:50
    and to be working together
    to see some changes.
  • 27:51 - 27:54
    Democracy is a work in progress,
    and it needs support.
  • 27:54 - 27:59
    Especially in places
    where the forces against democracy
  • 27:59 - 28:02
    are very well-organized,
    and very resource rich.
  • 28:02 - 28:06
    So we need help to support the development
  • 28:06 - 28:10
    of economic and social progress,
    and skills building.
  • 28:10 - 28:14
    I mean, I think all of these are issues
    that women have to be involved in...
  • 28:14 - 28:18
    That kind of thing
    is a lot cheaper than wars,
  • 28:18 - 28:22
    it's a lot cheaper
    than any kind of, uh, conflict,
  • 28:22 - 28:27
    and, uh, it's something that,
    uh, is to the benefit of all.
  • 28:27 - 28:29
    (Abou-Habib)
    It takes years of working
  • 28:29 - 28:32
    with local communities,
    to maintain the capacities
  • 28:32 - 28:36
    on what is participating in leadership,
    what really is democracy,
  • 28:36 - 28:39
    before you get to this moment
    where a group of women
  • 28:39 - 28:42
    can actually visualize it
    as part of their lives.
  • 28:42 - 28:46
    Before, uh, women would stop and say,
    well, you know what,
  • 28:46 - 28:49
    um, I can't take abuse anymore,
  • 28:49 - 28:52
    or I will not vote
    the way my husband wants me to vote.
  • 28:52 - 28:54
    This is not a mechanical process;
  • 28:54 - 28:59
    this is really breaking a vicious circle
    that have been passed on generationally,
  • 28:59 - 29:01
    and that are reproduced
    not only in the household,
  • 29:01 - 29:03
    at schools, in the media,
  • 29:03 - 29:08
    and we know that this is
    incredibly difficult.
  • 29:08 - 29:10
    (Obaid)
    To get more women participating
  • 29:10 - 29:12
    what is required is pressure,
  • 29:12 - 29:16
    mobilization, discourse,
    interactions, coalitions,
  • 29:16 - 29:19
    to be active in syndicates -
    professional syndicates,
  • 29:19 - 29:24
    labor unions, uh,
    media groups, whatever,
  • 29:24 - 29:27
    uh, so that they are present there
    not just as women
  • 29:27 - 29:30
    but as women professionals
    in their own rights.
  • 29:30 - 29:33
    So opening channels
    and getting allliances
  • 29:33 - 29:37
    with men groups is quite critical,
    there's no escape from that.
  • 29:37 - 29:40
    Otherwise, the woman's movement
    would remain an isolated,
  • 29:40 - 29:47
    excluded movement from the mainstream
    of political formations of the countries.
  • 29:47 - 29:49
    (Abou-Habib)
    Let us be honest and say
  • 29:49 - 29:54
    that fundamentalists have invaded
    the virtual world way before us.
  • 29:54 - 29:57
    So now, more than ever,
    it is important for us to be there,
  • 29:57 - 30:02
    to be out there making sure
    that this tool is accessible more and more
  • 30:02 - 30:04
    for our own constituency,
  • 30:04 - 30:07
    and more and more
    for increasing that constituency.
  • 30:07 - 30:09
    (Abiola-Costello)
    And we have to begin to link, ah,
  • 30:09 - 30:12
    absence from the democratic process
  • 30:12 - 30:15
    with real outcomes
    in the lives of our people.
  • 30:15 - 30:19
    In Nigeria, 60% of our women
    will give birth without a birth attendant.
  • 30:19 - 30:24
    How is that possible 12 years
    into the democratic system that we have?
  • 30:24 - 30:27
    We must link the absence,
    the inability of our government
  • 30:27 - 30:32
    to address the needs of women
    to the fact that women are not there
  • 30:32 - 30:34
    at the decision making table.
  • 30:34 - 30:38
    Women's rights
    should be institutionalized.
  • 30:38 - 30:38
    (Obaid)
    Media, of course,
  • 30:38 - 30:42
    plays a very important role
    in order to see the link
  • 30:42 - 30:45

    between women's rights and human rights.
  • 30:45 - 30:49
    Unless this link is made
    between women's rights
  • 30:49 - 30:52
    and the rights of all citizens
  • 30:52 - 30:55
    for a democratic state
    that respects everybody
  • 30:55 - 31:01
    regardless of any differentiation
    eh, the democracy will be truncated,
  • 31:01 - 31:04
    will be democracy for men
    and not democracy for women,
  • 31:04 - 31:05
    and that's not democracy.
  • 31:05 - 31:11
    (Kandiyoti) Look at what has happened
    to the opposition movement in Iran.
  • 31:11 - 31:15
    Now you have Iranian men
    who have finally understood
  • 31:15 - 31:19
    that you cannot separate
    the issue of women's rights
  • 31:19 - 31:21
    from the issue of democracy.
  • 31:21 - 31:27
    But I wish that it wouldn't take
    30 years of theocratic rule
  • 31:27 - 31:32
    to get that simple message across
    to the other countries within our region.
  • 31:42 - 31:49
    (female interpreter) Our main asset
    is that we consider our cause to be just.
  • 31:49 - 31:52
    And when one is sure
    that one's cause is just,
  • 31:52 - 31:56
    we can defend it to anyone.
  • 31:57 - 31:58
    (Obaid)
    As I look into the future,
  • 31:58 - 32:01
    I'm hoping that men will look
    into their hearts,
  • 32:01 - 32:04
    and that they would know
    that democratic process
  • 32:04 - 32:07
    has no value if women are not part of it.
  • 32:07 - 32:11
    And therefore they have
    to also extend themselves
  • 32:11 - 32:14
    in order to build coalition
    with women
  • 32:14 - 32:16
    so that true democracy,
    that's built on equality
  • 32:16 - 32:20
    between men and women,
    becomes the real life
  • 32:20 - 32:23
    of the people in the region.
  • 32:23 - 32:28
    My [unintelligible]
    is no discrimination of any kind
  • 32:28 - 32:31
    because it dehumanizes people,
  • 32:31 - 32:34
    and when every Egyptian feel
  • 32:34 - 32:39
    an equal, useful,
    productive, powerful human.
  • 32:44 - 32:45
    (female interperter)
    It used to be said
  • 32:45 - 32:47
    that Arab people were a resigned people.
  • 32:47 - 32:50
    But they took to the streets,
    they protested.
  • 32:50 - 32:54
    And I think all governments to come
    will have to take that into account.
  • 32:54 - 32:57
    And we can only go forward,
    despite the challenges,
  • 32:57 - 33:01
    despite everything that's going on,
    I am certain that we will move forward.
  • 33:07 - 33:10
    (woman) We're showing
    the children that they have a voice.
  • 33:10 - 33:11
    They can be heard.
  • 33:11 - 33:13
    Because a lot of them
    were always brought up as:
  • 33:13 - 33:15
    no, you can't talk,
    no, we're scared,
  • 33:15 - 33:16
    no, he's gonna come after you.
  • 33:16 - 33:19
    Now we're pushing them,
    eh, to have a voice
  • 33:19 - 33:22
    and say what they think,
    and say how they feel.
  • 33:24 - 33:27
    (Kandiyoti)
    My greatest hope is with a new generation.
  • 33:27 - 33:31
    Because I think
    we now have a new generation
  • 33:31 - 33:39
    that has been raised with expectations
    of having choice and having dignity.
  • 33:39 - 33:42
    We will not be silenced,
    and we will not be kept away.
  • 33:42 - 33:43
    Amazing what we're seeing here,
  • 33:43 - 33:48
    'cuz we never thought
    women would actually go out in Libya.
  • 33:48 - 33:51
    Almost all of these women
    here are protesting
  • 33:51 - 33:54
    for the very first time
    in their lives.
  • 33:54 - 33:58
    (woman) We have seen them
    on television screens, on the internet.
  • 33:58 - 34:00
    We have heard their voices.
  • 34:00 - 34:05
    And they do not want to be ruled
  • 34:05 - 34:10
    in the manner
    of their parents' generation
  • 34:10 - 34:12
    We want to take this country
    into the future.
  • 34:12 - 34:14
    We're not gonna go back.
  • 34:14 - 34:16
    Even if the men decide to give up,
  • 34:16 - 34:19
    the woman will continue
    with the revolution.
  • 34:21 - 34:24
    We know our cause is just.
  • 34:24 - 34:26
    We are committed.
  • 34:26 - 34:29
    We are inspired.
  • 34:29 - 34:33
    We will fight,
    and we will get our rights.
  • 34:33 - 36:07
    [music]
Title:
Because Our Cause is Just
Video Language:
English

English, British subtitles

Revisions