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我係英國人

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（笑聲）

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（掌聲）

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「我係英國人」呢句說話

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從來未引起過咁多人同情

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（笑聲）

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我嚟自一個島國

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好多人都相信
過去咁多年有好多嘢持續發生緊

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歷史上，我哋傾向改變其他國家

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但好少改變自己

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所以當我六月廿四號朝早起身

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發現我個國家公投結果係脫歐之後

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我好震驚

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首相辭咗職

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蘇格蘭講緊第二場公投

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有可能令英國瓦解

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所以成件事對於我嚟講都幾震撼

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對於好多人嚟講都係

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但呢件事幾日後

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發展成我國家嘅一個政治危機

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有呼聲話要舉行第二場公投

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呢個情況就好似運動比賽完咗

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我哋叫對手重新比賽一樣

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每個人都指責其他人

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人民指責首相

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話佢當初做咩搞公投

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啲人鬧在野黨黨魁唔夠努力爭取

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後生指控老人家

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受過教育責備無受過良好教育嘅

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危機裏面最不幸嘅事

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令成個危機更差

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仇外同種族情緒充斥喺英國街頭

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去到我前所未見嘅水平

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啲人宜家講緊究竟我個國家

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會變成小英格蘭

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定係好似我同事話齋

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變成一個浮沉喺大西洋嘅

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五十年代懷舊公園

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（笑聲）

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但我嘅問題係

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我哋應唔應該保持震驚嘅程度呢？

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究竟脫歐係咪一夜之間出現呢？

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定係有深層結構性因素

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令我哋走到今日咁嘅地步？

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我想退一步，問兩個好基本嘅問題

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第一，英國脫歐代表咩？

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唔只對我國家

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佢對全世界有咩意思？

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第二，我哋可以喺脫歐之後做啲乜？

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我哋要點樣應對？

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返去第一條問題，英國脫歐代表咩？

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事後孔明係一件有趣嘅事

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脫歐教曉好多關於我哋社會嘅嘢

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以至世界上其他社會嘅嘢

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脫歐呢件事反映咗

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我哋唔為意我哋社會有幾分裂

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投票取向因年齡、教育程度、

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階級同地理位置而唔同

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年輕人唔踴躍投票

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但出咗嚟投票嘅年輕人都投咗留歐

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長者想脫歐

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地理上，倫敦同蘇格蘭最想留歐

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而其他地方就一半一半

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取態唔同係我哋需要認真看待嘅嘢

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但更重要既係

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公投話咗畀我哋聽今日嘅政治形勢

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當代政治唔再只係左翼同右翼

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唔再只係交稅同開支

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當代政治係講緊全球化

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當代政治嘅分裂在於

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鍾意同害怕全球化之間

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（掌聲）

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如果我哋睇下想脫歐嘅人

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我哋叫佢哋做脫歐陣營
相反嘅係留歐陣營

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我哋見到民意調查裏面
兩個好重要嘅因素

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第一係移民，其次係國家主權

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呢兩樣都代表咗

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啲人想爭取返佢哋生活嘅自主權

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代表佢哋覺得

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參政嘅人唔代表佢哋

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但呢啲脫歐諗法意味住恐懼同孤立

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代表倒退到民族主義同邊界管制嘅年代

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而我哋好多人都接受唔到

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我想講成件事嘅更加複雜

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自由國際主義者，好似我咁

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需要將自己擺埋落成件事裏面

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至可以明白


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我哋點樣走到今時今日嘅地步

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我哋睇返投票分佈

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我哋見到分裂

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藍色係留歐

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紅色係脫歐

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當我睇到呢幅圖

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我覺得好震撼嘅係

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我人生冇幾多時間喺紅色嘅地方生活

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望住頭五十個最想脫歐嘅地方

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我突然意識到

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我只係花咗四日喺呢啲哋方生活

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呢五十個地方當中

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我甚至唔知道一啲選區嘅名

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我對呢樣嘢好驚訝

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呢樣嘢亦都反映

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好似我以為自己包容、開放、忍耐嘅人

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或者對於我哋嘅國家同社會

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同自己願意去相信嘅事物一樣咁唔清楚

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（掌聲）

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而伴隨著嘅挑戰係我哋要搵新方法

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向支持脫歐嘅人解釋全球化

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同埋要明白呢啲人未必讀過大學

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互聯網未必陪伴佢哋成長

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佢哋未必去過旅行

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佢哋可能未被我哋自由社會裏面

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覺得有說服嘅嘢說服

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（掌聲）

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即係話我哋要接觸同埋理解更多

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喺呢次公投裏面

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小數人激起政治恐懼同憎恨

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導致謊言同唔信任四起

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例如，留歐其實可以減少

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嚟歐洲嘅難民同申請庇護嘅人數

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但脫歐就一啲都做唔到

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大多數脫歐支持者嘅憂慮

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係對政治體制嘅幻滅

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呢場公投其實係一場抗議

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抗議政制裏面無人代表到佢哋

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佢哋搵唔到為佢哋發聲嘅政黨

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於是佢哋唔要宜家嘅政治體制

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呢種不滿政制嘅情況喺歐洲

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同好多自由民主嘅國家重覆出現

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同時，我哋見到特朗普喺美國冒起

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匈牙利總理奧班嘅民族主義喺當地冒起

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馬琳 · 勒龐喺法國嘅愈嚟愈受歡迎

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成個社會裏面都有支持英國脫歐嘅人

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咁我哋就要問第二個問題

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我哋要點樣一齊應對？

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對於我哋關心營造

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自由、開放、寛容社會嘅人嚟講

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我哋急需要新願景

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營造更包容同更寛容嘅全球化

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令我哋走埋一齊，而唔係拋低邊個

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而當呢個全球化願景開始嘅時候

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我哋需要認識全球化嘅好處

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經濟學家都有共識

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全球化有利自由貿易、資金同人嘅流動

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有利所有走埋一齊嘅人

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至於國際關係學者都同意

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全球化令國與國更加倚靠對方

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促成合作同和平

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但全球化有重新分配嘅效果

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佢創造贏家同輸家

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用移民做例子

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我哋知道移民喺大多數情況下

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對經濟都係正面嘅

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但我哋亦都要好小心

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全球化帶嚟重新分配嘅結果

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尤其低技術移民

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可以令社會最貧困嘅一群工資下降

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而且低技術移民會推高物業價格

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但以上都削弱唔到全球化嘅正面影響

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全球化只會令更多人受到正面影響

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2002 年，前聯合國秘書長安南

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喺耶魯大學發表演講

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演講圍繞包容性全球化

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佢喺演講裏面創造咗
「包容性全球化」呢個詞

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我轉述返佢講嘅嘢︰

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「全球化如果要保持穩當嘅話

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佢嘅大門就要向所有人打開

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偏執同無知係排外同對抗全球化」

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2008 年，好多歐洲國家領袖參與

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一個有關漸進式管治嘅會議

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包容性全球化嘅概念再次被提出

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但 2008 年金融海嘯

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同實行緊縮措施嗰陣

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呢個概念消失得無影無蹤

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全球化一直用喺新自由綱領裏面

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全球化被認為係精英人士嘅綱領

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多過係有利各方嘅事物

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明日嘅全球化應該要比今日更加包容

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咁問題係，我哋點樣做到呢？

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我哋點樣顧及恐懼、孤立嘅情緒

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而拒絕仇外、民族主義呢？

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呢條問題係畀我哋所有人

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作為社會科學家

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我覺得社會科學係解決問題嘅好開始

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我哋需要係意念上同物質上轉變

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我想講四個諗法作為你哋嘅開始

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第一係同公民教育有關

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英國脫歐最突出嘅係

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公眾認知同現實差距

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有人話我哋社會變成唔講事實

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證據同真相唔再重要

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反而大話同證據有同等地位

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咁我哋點…

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（掌聲）

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喺呢個自由民主嘅社會裏面

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我哋點重新尊重真相同證據？

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咁就要由教育著手

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但要由認識巨大嘅差距開始

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2014 年，民意調查機構 Ipsos MORI

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公佈一個英國人對於移民嘅態度調查

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調查顯示移民嚟英國嘅人愈多

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公眾愈關注移民嘅情況

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雖然調查明顯無解構其中嘅因果關係

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因為可能唔太關數字事

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但政治同傳媒方面就覺得兩者有關係

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但同一個調查發現

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公眾對於移民有好大嘅誤解

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例如，英國公眾相信

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難民佔移民嘅比例比實際高

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但佢哋同時相信

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受教育嘅移民嘅比例遠低於實際

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我哋要重視呢個觀感同現實嘅落差

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呢個係全球化重要嘅方面

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但呢樣嘢唔可以剩係由學校做

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雖然由細個開始著手係重要嘅

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處理落差需要花成世時間做公民參與

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而呢樣正係社會所期望嘅

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第二樣我覺得同時係機遇嘅係

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我哋可以鼓勵呢個分裂嘅社群
有更多交流

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（掌聲）

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當我睇返英國人對於移民態度嘅時候

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其中一樣非常引起我注意

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好諷刺地

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最包融移民嘅地方有最多移民

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例如倫敦同東南部有最多移民

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而呢兩個地方都係最接納到移民

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至於，有最少移民嘅地方

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就最排斥同最唔能夠包融移民

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所以我哋要鼓勵交流計劃嘅出現

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我哋要令未必能夠旅行嘅

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上一代可以上到網

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係本地或者國家層面

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我哋都要鼓勵更多嘅流動、參與

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鼓勵同唔識嘅人

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同睇法不完全一樣嘅人

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有更多嘅交流

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第三我覺得關鍵而又好基本嘅係

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我哋要確保每個人

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都可以享受到全球化嘅成果

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呢幅圖由金融時報做

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係有關後脫歐時代，好震撼

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幅圖顯示想脫歐嘅人其實係

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最受惠於歐盟貿易嘅物質成果

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但問題係

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嗰啲喺想脫歐嘅地方嘅人

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唔覺得佢哋係受惠於歐盟嘅一群

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佢哋唔信佢哋受惠緊

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世界貿易同流動上升

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所帶嚟嘅物質成果

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我主要鑽研難民問題

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而我其中一個針對發展中國家

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花咗好多時間宣揚嘅諗法

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係若然要鼓勵難民融合

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我哋唔可以剩係令難民受惠

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我哋亦要顧及本土社區嘅憂慮

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但睇返其中一項政策

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我哋要喺有大量移民嘅地區

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提供唔合比例地好嘅

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教育設施、醫療設施、社會服務

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以回應當地居民嘅憂慮

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但當我哋喺發展中國家行呢套嘅同時

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我哋冇將呢套帶返嚟我哋自己國家

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用喺我哋自己社會入面

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再講，如果我哋真係要

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確保人人都可以享受經濟成果

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公司同企業就要一個全球化嘅示範

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令佢哋明白佢哋都要對人有所承擔

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第四個，亦係最後一個就係

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我哋需要更負責任嘅政治

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但我哋得好少社會科學嘅證據

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比較啲人對全球化嘅態度

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但睇返現有嘅調查

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我哋可以睇到

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國家之間

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就算同一個國家喺唔同嘅時間

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對於移民、人口流動
自由貿易嘅態度同承受能力

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都有好大差別

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但從呢啲數據得出一個假設係

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兩極化社會更加接受唔到全球化

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好似以前嘅瑞典同宜家嘅加拿大咁

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都有中間路線嘅政治

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左翼同右翼合作

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鼓勵支持全球化

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但我哋今時今日見到嘅兩極化係悲慘嘅

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政治極端兩邊嘅人冇辦法對話

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兩班人都失去咗中間自由嘅光譜

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而呢個中間地帶

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卻可以鼓勵兩邊溝通同體諒對方

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我哋未必今日做到

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但至少我哋要呼籲政客同傳媒

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用詞唔好再係表達恐懼

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而係更包容呢兩個極端

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（掌聲）

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呢啲諗法都係初步

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咁係因為解決方案需要多方意見

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我仲係英國人

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我仲係歐洲人

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我仲係世界公民

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相信我哋身份並唔係互相排斥嘅我哋

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我哋要走埋一齊

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確保全球化唔會抌低我哋任何一個

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只有嗰陣

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我哋先真正將民主同全球化調和

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多謝

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（掌聲）