What we learned from teetering on the fiscal cliff
-
0:02 - 0:04So a friend of mine who's a political scientist,
-
0:04 - 0:05he told me several months ago
-
0:05 - 0:07exactly what this month would be like.
-
0:07 - 0:10He said, you know, there's this fiscal cliff coming,
-
0:10 - 0:14it's going to come at the beginning of 2013.
-
0:14 - 0:17Both parties absolutely need to resolve it,
-
0:17 - 0:20but neither party wants to be seen as the first to resolve it.
-
0:20 - 0:24Neither party has any incentive to solve it a second before it's due,
-
0:24 - 0:26so he said, December, you're just going to see lots of
-
0:26 - 0:30angry negotiations, negotiations breaking apart,
-
0:30 - 0:32reports of phone calls that aren't going well,
-
0:32 - 0:35people saying nothing's happening at all,
-
0:35 - 0:37and then sometime around Christmas or New Year's,
-
0:37 - 0:40we're going to hear, "Okay, they resolved everything."
-
0:40 - 0:44He told me that a few months ago. He said he's 98 percent positive they're going to resolve it,
-
0:44 - 0:47and I got an email from him today saying, all right,
-
0:47 - 0:51we're basically on track, but now I'm 80 percent positive
-
0:51 - 0:52that they're going to resolve it.
-
0:52 - 0:55And it made me think. I love studying
-
0:55 - 0:57these moments in American history
-
0:57 - 1:01when there was this frenzy of partisan anger,
-
1:01 - 1:04that the economy was on the verge of total collapse.
-
1:04 - 1:08The most famous early battle was Alexander Hamilton
-
1:08 - 1:12and Thomas Jefferson over what the dollar would be
-
1:12 - 1:14and how it would be backed up, with Alexander Hamilton
-
1:14 - 1:17saying, "We need a central bank, the First Bank of the United States,
-
1:17 - 1:19or else the dollar will have no value.
-
1:19 - 1:21This economy won't work,"
-
1:21 - 1:23and Thomas Jefferson saying, "The people won't trust that.
-
1:23 - 1:27They just fought off a king. They're not going to accept some central authority."
-
1:27 - 1:32This battle defined the first 150 years of the U.S. economy,
-
1:32 - 1:36and at every moment, different partisans saying,
-
1:36 - 1:38"Oh my God, the economy's about to collapse,"
-
1:38 - 1:40and the rest of us just going about, spending our bucks
-
1:40 - 1:44on whatever it is we wanted to buy.
-
1:44 - 1:46To give you a quick primer on where we are,
-
1:46 - 1:48a quick refresher on where we are.
-
1:48 - 1:51So the fiscal cliff, I was told
-
1:51 - 1:53that that's too partisan a thing to say,
-
1:53 - 1:57although I can't remember which party it's supporting or attacking.
-
1:57 - 1:59People say we should call it the fiscal slope,
-
1:59 - 2:01or we should call it an austerity crisis,
-
2:01 - 2:03but then other people say, no, that's even more partisan.
-
2:03 - 2:06So I just call it the self-imposed, self-destructive
-
2:06 - 2:11arbitrary deadline about resolving an inevitable problem.
-
2:11 - 2:15And this is what the inevitable problem looks like.
-
2:15 - 2:19So this is a projection of U.S. debt as a percentage
-
2:19 - 2:21of our overall economy, of GDP.
-
2:21 - 2:25The light blue dotted line represents
-
2:25 - 2:27the Congressional Budget Office's best guess
-
2:27 - 2:31of what will happen if Congress really doesn't do anything,
-
2:31 - 2:34and as you can see, sometime around 2027,
-
2:34 - 2:37we reach Greek levels of debt,
-
2:37 - 2:40somewhere around 130 percent of GDP,
-
2:40 - 2:43which tells you that some time in the next 20 years,
-
2:43 - 2:45if Congress does absolutely nothing,
-
2:45 - 2:49we're going to hit a moment where the world's investors,
-
2:49 - 2:51the world's bond buyers, are going to say,
-
2:51 - 2:53"We don't trust America anymore. We're not going to lend them any money,
-
2:53 - 2:55except at really high interest rates."
-
2:55 - 2:58And at that moment our economy collapses.
-
2:58 - 3:00But remember, Greece is there today.
-
3:00 - 3:04We're there in 20 years. We have lots and lots of time
-
3:04 - 3:06to avoid that crisis,
-
3:06 - 3:10and the fiscal cliff was just one more attempt
-
3:10 - 3:13at trying to force the two sides to resolve the crisis.
-
3:13 - 3:17Here's another way to look at exactly the same problem.
-
3:17 - 3:20The dark blue line is how much the government spends.
-
3:20 - 3:23The light blue line is how much the government gets in.
-
3:23 - 3:26And as you can see, for most of recent history,
-
3:26 - 3:30except for a brief period, we have consistently spent
-
3:30 - 3:33more than we take in. Thus the national debt.
-
3:33 - 3:37But as you can also see, projected going forward,
-
3:37 - 3:40the gap widens a bit and raises a bit,
-
3:40 - 3:42and this graph is only through 2021.
-
3:42 - 3:45It gets really, really ugly out towards 2030.
-
3:45 - 3:50And this graph sort of sums up what the problem is.
-
3:50 - 3:53The Democrats, they say, well, this isn't a big deal.
-
3:53 - 3:57We can just raise taxes a bit and close that gap,
-
3:57 - 3:59especially if we raise taxes on the rich.
-
3:59 - 4:02The Republicans say, hey, no, no, we've got a better idea.
-
4:02 - 4:03Why don't we lower both lines?
-
4:03 - 4:07Why don't we lower government spending and lower government taxes,
-
4:07 - 4:11and then we'll be on an even more favorable
-
4:11 - 4:13long-term deficit trajectory?
-
4:13 - 4:18And behind this powerful disagreement between
-
4:18 - 4:19how to close that gap,
-
4:19 - 4:23there's the worst kind of cynical party politics,
-
4:23 - 4:28the worst kind of insider baseball, lobbying, all of that stuff,
-
4:28 - 4:32but there's also this powerfully interesting,
-
4:32 - 4:35respectful disagreement between
-
4:35 - 4:38two fundamentally different economic philosophies.
-
4:38 - 4:43And I like to think, when I picture how Republicans
-
4:43 - 4:48see the economy, what I picture is just some amazingly
-
4:48 - 4:52well-engineered machine, some perfect machine.
-
4:52 - 4:56Unfortunately, I picture it made in Germany or Japan,
-
4:56 - 4:59but this amazing machine that's constantly scouring
-
4:59 - 5:04every bit of human endeavor and taking resources,
-
5:04 - 5:06money, labor, capital, machinery,
-
5:06 - 5:11away from the least productive parts and towards the more productive parts,
-
5:11 - 5:12and while this might cause temporary dislocation,
-
5:12 - 5:16what it does is it builds up the more productive areas
-
5:16 - 5:18and lets the less productive areas fade away and die,
-
5:18 - 5:21and as a result the whole system is so much more efficient,
-
5:21 - 5:23so much richer for everybody.
-
5:23 - 5:27And this view generally believes that there is a role for government,
-
5:27 - 5:30a small role, to set the rules so people aren't lying
-
5:30 - 5:32and cheating and hurting each other,
-
5:32 - 5:36maybe, you know, have a police force and a fire department
-
5:36 - 5:39and an army, but to have a very limited reach
-
5:39 - 5:42into the mechanisms of this machinery.
-
5:42 - 5:46And when I picture how Democrats and Democratic-leaning
-
5:46 - 5:49economists picture this economy,
-
5:49 - 5:51most Democratic economists are, you know, they're capitalists,
-
5:51 - 5:54they believe, yes, that's a good system a lot of the time.
-
5:54 - 5:58It's good to let markets move resources to their more productive use.
-
5:58 - 6:02But that system has tons of problems.
-
6:02 - 6:05Wealth piles up in the wrong places.
-
6:05 - 6:09Wealth is ripped away from people who shouldn't be called unproductive.
-
6:09 - 6:12That's not going to create an equitable, fair society.
-
6:12 - 6:15That machine doesn't care about the environment,
-
6:15 - 6:17about racism, about all these issues
-
6:17 - 6:19that make this life worse for all of us,
-
6:19 - 6:22and so the government does have a role to take resources
-
6:22 - 6:26from more productive uses, or from richer sources,
-
6:26 - 6:28and give them to other sources.
-
6:28 - 6:34And when you think about the economy through these two different lenses,
-
6:34 - 6:38you understand why this crisis is so hard to solve,
-
6:38 - 6:42because the worse the crisis gets, the higher the stakes are,
-
6:42 - 6:44the more each side thinks they know the answer
-
6:44 - 6:48and the other side is just going to ruin everything.
-
6:48 - 6:51And I can get really despairing. I've spent a lot
-
6:51 - 6:54of the last few years really depressed about this,
-
6:54 - 6:57until this year, I learned something that
-
6:57 - 7:00I felt really excited about. I feel like it's really good news,
-
7:00 - 7:03and it's so shocking, I don't like saying it, because I think
-
7:03 - 7:05people won't believe me.
-
7:05 - 7:06But here's what I learned.
-
7:06 - 7:08The American people, taken as a whole,
-
7:08 - 7:12when it comes to these issues, to fiscal issues,
-
7:12 - 7:15are moderate, pragmatic centrists.
-
7:15 - 7:18And I know that's hard to believe, that the American people
-
7:18 - 7:19are moderate, pragmatic centrists.
-
7:19 - 7:22But let me explain what I'm thinking.
-
7:22 - 7:25When you look at how the federal government spends money,
-
7:25 - 7:28so this is the battle right here,
-
7:28 - 7:3055 percent, more than half, is on Social Security,
-
7:30 - 7:33Medicare, Medicaid, a few other health programs,
-
7:33 - 7:3620 percent defense, 19 percent discretionary,
-
7:36 - 7:38and six percent interest.
-
7:38 - 7:42So when we're talking about cutting government spending,
-
7:42 - 7:44this is the pie we're talking about,
-
7:44 - 7:48and Americans overwhelmingly, and it doesn't matter
-
7:48 - 7:51what party they're in, overwhelmingly like
-
7:51 - 7:54that big 55 percent chunk.
-
7:54 - 7:56They like Social Security. They like Medicare.
-
7:56 - 7:59They even like Medicaid, even though that goes to the poor and indigent,
-
7:59 - 8:02which you might think would have less support.
-
8:02 - 8:06And they do not want it fundamentally touched,
-
8:06 - 8:10although the American people are remarkably comfortable,
-
8:10 - 8:13and Democrats roughly equal to Republicans,
-
8:13 - 8:18with some minor tweaks to make the system more stable.
-
8:18 - 8:20Social Security is fairly easy to fix.
-
8:20 - 8:24The rumors of its demise are always greatly exaggerated.
-
8:24 - 8:26So gradually raise Social Security retirement age,
-
8:26 - 8:29maybe only on people not yet born.
-
8:29 - 8:31Americans are about 50/50,
-
8:31 - 8:33whether they're Democrats or Republicans.
-
8:33 - 8:36Reduce Medicare for very wealthy seniors,
-
8:36 - 8:39seniors who make a lot of money. Don't even eliminate it. Just reduce it.
-
8:39 - 8:44People generally are comfortable with it, Democrats and Republicans.
-
8:44 - 8:46Raise medical health care contributions?
-
8:46 - 8:49Everyone hates that equally, but Republicans
-
8:49 - 8:51and Democrats hate that together.
-
8:51 - 8:54And so what this tells me is, when you look at
-
8:54 - 8:58the discussion of how to resolve our fiscal problems,
-
8:58 - 9:06we are not a nation that's powerfully divided on the major, major issue.
-
9:06 - 9:09We're comfortable with it needing some tweaks, but we want to keep it.
-
9:09 - 9:12We're not open to a discussion of eliminating it.
-
9:12 - 9:16Now there is one issue that is hyper-partisan,
-
9:16 - 9:20and where there is one party that is just spend, spend, spend,
-
9:20 - 9:21we don't care, spend some more,
-
9:21 - 9:23and that of course is Republicans
-
9:23 - 9:25when it comes to military defense spending.
-
9:25 - 9:28They way outweigh Democrats.
-
9:28 - 9:33The vast majority want to protect military defense spending.
-
9:33 - 9:35That's 20 percent of the budget,
-
9:35 - 9:38and that presents a more difficult issue.
-
9:38 - 9:41I should also note that the [discretionary] spending,
-
9:41 - 9:44which is about 19 percent of the budget,
-
9:44 - 9:46that is Democratic and Republican issues,
-
9:46 - 9:48so you do have welfare, food stamps, other programs
-
9:48 - 9:50that tend to be popular among Democrats,
-
9:50 - 9:53but you also have the farm bill and all sorts of Department of Interior
-
9:53 - 9:56inducements for oil drilling and other things,
-
9:56 - 10:00which tend to be popular among Republicans.
-
10:00 - 10:03Now when it comes to taxes, there is more disagreement.
-
10:03 - 10:05That's a more partisan area.
-
10:05 - 10:08You have Democrats overwhelmingly supportive
-
10:08 - 10:12of raising the income tax on people who make 250,000 dollars a year,
-
10:12 - 10:18Republicans sort of against it, although if you break it out by income,
-
10:18 - 10:22Republicans who make less than 75,000 dollars a year like this idea.
-
10:22 - 10:27So basically Republicans who make more than 250,000 dollars a year don't want to be taxed.
-
10:27 - 10:30Raising taxes on investment income, you also see
-
10:30 - 10:33about two thirds of Democrats but only one third of Republicans
-
10:33 - 10:37are comfortable with that idea.
-
10:37 - 10:40This brings up a really important point, which is that
-
10:40 - 10:42we tend in this country to talk about Democrats
-
10:42 - 10:44and Republicans and think there's this little group
-
10:44 - 10:46over there called independents that's, what, two percent?
-
10:46 - 10:49If you add Democrats, you add Republicans,
-
10:49 - 10:50you've got the American people.
-
10:50 - 10:53But that is not the case at all.
-
10:53 - 10:58And it has not been the case for most of modern American history.
-
10:58 - 11:02Roughly a third of Americans say that they are Democrats.
-
11:02 - 11:05Around a quarter say that they are Republicans.
-
11:05 - 11:09A tiny little sliver call themselves libertarians, or socialists,
-
11:09 - 11:12or some other small third party,
-
11:12 - 11:17and the largest block, 40 percent, say they're independents.
-
11:17 - 11:20So most Americans are not partisan,
-
11:20 - 11:22and most of the people in the independent camp
-
11:22 - 11:26fall somewhere in between, so even though we have
-
11:26 - 11:30tremendous overlap between the views on these fiscal issues
-
11:30 - 11:32of Democrats and Republicans,
-
11:32 - 11:36we have even more overlap when you add in the independents.
-
11:36 - 11:39Now we get to fight about all sorts of other issues.
-
11:39 - 11:41We get to hate each other on gun control
-
11:41 - 11:43and abortion and the environment,
-
11:43 - 11:46but on these fiscal issues, these important fiscal issues,
-
11:46 - 11:50we just are not anywhere nearly as divided as people say.
-
11:50 - 11:52And in fact, there's this other group of people
-
11:52 - 11:55who are not as divided as people might think,
-
11:55 - 11:57and that group is economists.
-
11:57 - 12:03I talk to a lot of economists, and back in the '70s
-
12:03 - 12:06and '80s it was ugly being an economist.
-
12:06 - 12:09You were in what they called the saltwater camp,
-
12:09 - 12:14meaning Harvard, Princeton, MIT, Stanford, Berkeley,
-
12:14 - 12:17or you were in the freshwater camp, University of Chicago,
-
12:17 - 12:18University of Rochester.
-
12:18 - 12:21You were a free market capitalist economist
-
12:21 - 12:23or you were a Keynesian liberal economist,
-
12:23 - 12:25and these people didn't go to each other's weddings,
-
12:25 - 12:27they snubbed each other at conferences.
-
12:27 - 12:30It's still ugly to this day, but in my experience,
-
12:30 - 12:34it is really, really hard to find an economist under 40
-
12:34 - 12:38who still has that kind of way of seeing the world.
-
12:38 - 12:41The vast majority of economists -- it is so uncool
-
12:41 - 12:44to call yourself an ideologue of either camp.
-
12:44 - 12:46The phrase that you want, if you're a graduate student
-
12:46 - 12:49or a postdoc or you're a professor,
-
12:49 - 12:52a 38-year-old economics professor, is, "I'm an empiricist.
-
12:52 - 12:53I go by the data."
-
12:53 - 12:56And the data is very clear.
-
12:56 - 13:00None of these major theories have been completely successful.
-
13:00 - 13:01The 20th century, the last hundred years,
-
13:01 - 13:04is riddled with disastrous examples
-
13:04 - 13:08of times that one school or the other tried to explain
-
13:08 - 13:10the past or predict the future
-
13:10 - 13:12and just did an awful, awful job,
-
13:12 - 13:17so the economics profession has acquired some degree of modesty.
-
13:17 - 13:21They still are an awfully arrogant group of people, I will assure you,
-
13:21 - 13:24but they're now arrogant about their impartiality,
-
13:24 - 13:31and they, too, see a tremendous range of potential outcomes.
-
13:31 - 13:36And this nonpartisanship is something that exists,
-
13:36 - 13:37that has existed in secret
-
13:37 - 13:39in America for years and years and years.
-
13:39 - 13:43I've spent a lot of the fall talking to the three major
-
13:43 - 13:47organizations that survey American political attitudes:
-
13:47 - 13:48Pew Research,
-
13:48 - 13:52the University of Chicago's National Opinion Research Center,
-
13:52 - 13:55and the most important but the least known
-
13:55 - 13:58is the American National Election Studies group
-
13:58 - 14:02that is the world's longest, most respected poll of political attitudes.
-
14:02 - 14:04They've been doing it since 1948,
-
14:04 - 14:08and what they show consistently throughout
-
14:08 - 14:12is that it's almost impossible to find Americans
-
14:12 - 14:15who are consistent ideologically,
-
14:15 - 14:19who consistently support, "No we mustn't tax,
-
14:19 - 14:22and we must limit the size of government,"
-
14:22 - 14:25or, "No, we must encourage government to play a larger role
-
14:25 - 14:29in redistribution and correcting the ills of capitalism."
-
14:29 - 14:31Those groups are very, very small.
-
14:31 - 14:34The vast majority of people, they pick and choose,
-
14:34 - 14:37they see compromise and they change over time
-
14:37 - 14:39when they hear a better argument or a worse argument.
-
14:39 - 14:43And that part of it has not changed.
-
14:43 - 14:47What has changed is how people respond to vague questions.
-
14:47 - 14:49If you ask people vague questions, like,
-
14:49 - 14:52"Do you think there should be more government or less government?"
-
14:52 - 14:57"Do you think government should" — especially if you use loaded language --
-
14:57 - 14:59"Do you think the government should provide handouts?"
-
14:59 - 15:01Or, "Do you think the government should redistribute?"
-
15:01 - 15:04Then you can see radical partisan change.
-
15:04 - 15:06But when you get specific, when you actually ask
-
15:06 - 15:10about the actual taxing and spending issues under consideration,
-
15:10 - 15:13people are remarkably centrist,
-
15:13 - 15:16they're remarkably open to compromise.
-
15:16 - 15:20So what we have, then, when you think about the fiscal cliff,
-
15:20 - 15:24don't think of it as the American people fundamentally
-
15:24 - 15:26can't stand each other on these issues
-
15:26 - 15:28and that we must be ripped apart
-
15:28 - 15:30into two separate warring nations.
-
15:30 - 15:36Think of it as a tiny, tiny number of ancient economists
-
15:36 - 15:40and misrepresentative ideologues have captured the process.
-
15:40 - 15:43And they've captured the process through familiar ways,
-
15:43 - 15:46through a primary system which encourages
-
15:46 - 15:48that small group of people's voices,
-
15:48 - 15:50because that small group of people,
-
15:50 - 15:53the people who answer all yeses or all noes
-
15:53 - 15:55on those ideological questions,
-
15:55 - 15:58they might be small but every one of them has a blog,
-
15:58 - 16:02every one of them has been on Fox or MSNBC in the last week.
-
16:02 - 16:05Every one of them becomes a louder and louder voice,
-
16:05 - 16:07but they don't represent us.
-
16:07 - 16:10They don't represent what our views are.
-
16:10 - 16:12And that gets me back to the dollar,
-
16:12 - 16:15and it gets me back to reminding myself that
-
16:15 - 16:17we know this experience.
-
16:17 - 16:19We know what it's like
-
16:19 - 16:24to have these people on TV, in Congress,
-
16:24 - 16:27yelling about how the end of the world is coming
-
16:27 - 16:30if we don't adopt their view completely,
-
16:30 - 16:32because it's happened about the dollar
-
16:32 - 16:34ever since there's been a dollar.
-
16:34 - 16:38We had the battle between Jefferson and Hamilton.
-
16:38 - 16:43In 1913, we had this ugly battle over the Federal Reserve,
-
16:43 - 16:47when it was created, with vicious, angry arguments
-
16:47 - 16:48over how it would be constituted,
-
16:48 - 16:50and a general agreement that the way it was constituted
-
16:50 - 16:53was the worst possible compromise,
-
16:53 - 16:56a compromise guaranteed to destroy this valuable thing,
-
16:56 - 16:59this dollar, but then everyone agreeing, okay,
-
16:59 - 17:01so long as we're on the gold standard, it should be okay.
-
17:01 - 17:03The Fed can't mess it up so badly.
-
17:03 - 17:08But then we got off the gold standard for individuals
-
17:08 - 17:10during the Depression and we got off the gold standard
-
17:10 - 17:14as a source of international currency coordination
-
17:14 - 17:16during Richard Nixon's presidency.
-
17:16 - 17:20Each of those times, we were on the verge of complete collapse.
-
17:20 - 17:22And nothing happened at all.
-
17:22 - 17:24Throughout it all, the dollar has been
-
17:24 - 17:27one of the most long-standing,
-
17:27 - 17:29stable, reasonable currencies,
-
17:29 - 17:31and we all use it every single day,
-
17:31 - 17:34no matter what the people screaming about tell us,
-
17:34 - 17:37no matter how scared we're supposed to be.
-
17:37 - 17:41And this long-term fiscal picture that we're in right now,
-
17:41 - 17:45I think what is most maddening about it is,
-
17:45 - 17:49if Congress were simply able
-
17:49 - 17:51to show not that they agree with each other,
-
17:51 - 17:54not that they're able to come up with the best possible compromise,
-
17:54 - 17:58but that they are able to just begin the process
-
17:58 - 18:02towards compromise, we all instantly are better off.
-
18:02 - 18:06The fear is that the world is watching.
-
18:06 - 18:10The fear is that the longer we delay any solution,
-
18:10 - 18:11the more the world will look to the U.S.
-
18:11 - 18:15not as the bedrock of stability in the global economy,
-
18:15 - 18:19but as a place that can't resolve its own fights,
-
18:19 - 18:22and the longer we put that off, the more we make the world nervous,
-
18:22 - 18:24the higher interest rates are going to be,
-
18:24 - 18:27the quicker we're going to have to face a day
-
18:27 - 18:29of horrible calamity.
-
18:29 - 18:33And so just the act of compromise itself,
-
18:33 - 18:34and sustained, real compromise,
-
18:34 - 18:36would give us even more time,
-
18:36 - 18:39would allow both sides even longer to spread out the pain
-
18:39 - 18:42and reach even more compromise down the road.
-
18:42 - 18:45So I'm in the media. I feel like my job to make this happen
-
18:45 - 18:49is to help foster the things that seem to lead to compromise,
-
18:49 - 18:53to not talk about this in those vague and scary terms
-
18:53 - 18:55that do polarize us,
-
18:55 - 18:58but to just talk about it like what it is,
-
18:58 - 19:00not an existential crisis,
-
19:00 - 19:04not some battle between two fundamentally different religious views,
-
19:04 - 19:07but a math problem, a really solvable math problem,
-
19:07 - 19:09one where we're not all going to get what we want
-
19:09 - 19:13and one where, you know, there's going to be a little pain to spread around.
-
19:13 - 19:17But the more we address it as a practical concern,
-
19:17 - 19:18the sooner we can resolve it,
-
19:18 - 19:22and the more time we have to resolve it, paradoxically.
-
19:22 - 19:27Thank you. (Applause)
- Title:
- What we learned from teetering on the fiscal cliff
- Speaker:
- Adam Davidson
- Description:
-
It's the end of 2012, and the US political system is tied in knots over next year's "fiscal cliff" -- a budget impasse that can only be solved with bipartisan agreement. (And the world is watching.) Adam Davidson, cohost of "Planet Money," shares surprising data that shows how it might just be solved.
- Video Language:
- English
- Team:
- closed TED
- Project:
- TEDTalks
- Duration:
- 19:48
Thu-Huong Ha edited English subtitles for What we learned from teetering on the fiscal cliff | ||
Thu-Huong Ha approved English subtitles for What we learned from teetering on the fiscal cliff | ||
Thu-Huong Ha accepted English subtitles for What we learned from teetering on the fiscal cliff | ||
Thu-Huong Ha edited English subtitles for What we learned from teetering on the fiscal cliff | ||
Morton Bast edited English subtitles for What we learned from teetering on the fiscal cliff | ||
Joseph Geni edited English subtitles for What we learned from teetering on the fiscal cliff | ||
Joseph Geni added a translation |