Documentário | João Goulart: Jango
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OF THE CORRESPONDING RIGHTS. -
0:17 - 0:19VISIT TO CHINA OF JOĂO BELCHIOR GOULART,
-
0:19 - 0:22VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC
OF THE UNITES STATES OF BRAZIL. -
0:22 - 0:24THE CENTRAL STUDIOS OF
NEWS AND DOCUMENTARIES -
0:24 - 0:27OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA.
BEIJING, AUGUST 1961 . -
0:32 - 0:36In the afternoon of August 13th,
Joăo GouIart, -
0:36 - 0:40the Vice-President of the Republic of the
United States of BraziI arrives in Beijing. -
1:06 - 1:09I'm the bearer of a
message to the Chinese people, -
1:10 - 1:13a message of friendship from
the Brazilian people, -
1:13 - 1:18I am undoubtedly contributing towards
a closer relationship between our peoples, -
1:18 - 1:23who can and should be good friends.
-
1:32 - 1:34Zhou Enlai, Prime Minister
of the State Council, -
1:35 - 1:37talks with
Vice-President Joăo Goulart. -
1:44 - 1:47Liu Shaoqi, President
of the People's Republic of China, -
1:48 - 1:50welcomes Vice-President Joăo Goulart.
-
1:52 - 1:56The guests of honor visit the museum
about the history of the Chinese revolution. -
1:57 - 1:59These Chinese characters mean:
-
1:59 - 2:02" let's distribute the land,
through the strike of the hatchet, -
2:02 - 2:04we shall unlock a new world;
-
2:04 - 2:07with the strike of the scythe,
we shall eliminate the old one." -
2:11 - 2:15On August 23rd,
Vice-President Joăo Goulart -
2:15 - 2:20ends his visit to China and leaves
Canton to return to Brazil. -
2:21 - 2:24Xeng Xeng, the vice-governor
of the Guangzhou province, -
2:24 - 2:27and other officials
of the province of the city, -
2:28 - 2:31together with a well-wishing crowd,
-
2:31 - 2:34say goodbye to the guests of honor
at the railway station. -
2:41 - 2:46The friendship, closeness and cooperation
between the peoples of China and Brazil -
2:46 - 2:48are ever increasing.
-
2:50 - 2:52Greetings to the Brazilian people.
-
2:54 - 2:56May the guests of honor have a safe trip.
-
3:01 - 3:04BRASÍLlA, August 25th, 1961
-
3:06 - 3:08It was a little past 6 in the morning
-
3:08 - 3:11when president
Jânio Quadros, as usual, -
3:11 - 3:12locked himself up in his office.
-
3:13 - 3:16That day, however, he drafted
the terms of his resignation, -
3:16 - 3:19which would be sent to the National
Congress a few hours later, -
3:19 - 3:23stirring up a lethargic Friday session.
-
3:27 - 3:31With expression and gestures that
did not betray his decision, -
3:31 - 3:34Jânio attended the Soldier Day
Service. -
3:35 - 3:39Defeated by what he called " terrible
forces" in his resignation note, -
3:39 - 3:44Jânio was photographed for the last time as
president alongside the " occuIt forces" . -
3:45 - 3:47Minister of Navy
Sílvio Heck warned: -
3:48 - 3:50if Vice-President Joăo Goulart
were to be inaugurated in office, -
3:50 - 3:52a civiI war would erupt in the country.
-
3:53 - 3:56The backdrop for the coup was set.
-
3:57 - 3:59I was informed of the resignation
-
3:59 - 4:04by a phone call from the chief
of staff of the presidency of the republic, -
4:04 - 4:05minister Macedo Soares.
-
4:06 - 4:11And immediately I though of
calling a meeting in Itamaraty -
4:11 - 4:16with those friends I could
talk to immediately, -
4:16 - 4:21in order to pay homage to the
resigning president. -
4:22 - 4:25And I was glad that idea was well-accepted,
-
4:26 - 4:30because, not only my personal friends
met in Itamaraty -
4:31 - 4:35but also the diplomats that
were then in Rio de Janeiro - -
4:35 - 4:38Few had moved to Brasília yet, the transfer
of the capital had just happened - -
4:38 - 4:40and many workers.
-
4:40 - 4:45From the most humble employees,
door-keepers, office-boys, -
4:45 - 4:48The drivers of the ministry,
-
4:48 - 4:54to diplomats
who were then in Rio de Janeiro. -
4:55 - 4:59So we opened a bottle of
Champagne in honor of the president -
4:59 - 5:05And, in a moment of
conservative traditionalism, -
5:05 - 5:10we offered to those present
one last Itamaraty reception. -
5:10 - 5:12He received the news in Singapore,
-
5:13 - 5:15at the Raffles hotel,
in the middle of the night. -
5:16 - 5:20An American telegraphic
agency called -
5:20 - 5:24seeking his comments
on the resignation of Jânio Quadros. -
5:24 - 5:27He had not been aware of such resignation
untiI just then. -
5:27 - 5:28He was surprised.
-
5:29 - 5:32And I remember, I mean, I was told later,
-
5:33 - 5:38that one of the participants
In that mission, -
5:38 - 5:43senator Barros de Carvalho, of PTB,
-
5:43 - 5:47Said right away: " Dr. Jango, Let's
open a bottle of champagne -
5:47 - 5:50to celebrate the future president."
-
5:50 - 5:52But Jango was a very cautious man,
-
5:52 - 5:55very down-to-earth.
-
5:56 - 5:58He said: " Look, Barros,
if you want to have champagne -
5:58 - 6:01there's nothing wrong with that.
We'll have the bar send up some. -
6:01 - 6:06Now, we will not be celebrating my
presidency, -
6:06 - 6:09but rather paying homage to
unpredictability." -
9:03 - 9:06Săo Borja, a frontier town,
at the Missions ŕrea, -
9:06 - 9:09is the birth and resting place
of two presidents: -
9:09 - 9:12Getúlio Dornelles Vargas and
Joăo Belchior Marques Goulart. -
9:15 - 9:18Joăo Goulart's bedroom
at Granja Săo Vicente -
9:18 - 9:22displays moments of his public life,
started with president Vargas' help. -
9:24 - 9:28The 1 7 years in between his
swearing in as state congressman in '47 -
9:28 - 9:31and his overthrowing from power in '64,
-
9:31 - 9:36only deepened his nationalism and
commitment to social justice, -
9:36 - 9:39the tragic reasons behind
the common destiny of both men. -
9:40 - 9:45By putting a gun to his chest
on the morning of August 24th, 1954, -
9:46 - 9:48Getúlio Vargas brought an end
to his own life -
9:48 - 9:52and also to the plans of his opponents
who wanted to achieve power, -
9:52 - 9:54following the trail
torn open by the coup. -
10:00 - 10:03Everything changed in those hours
between Vargas' suicide -
10:03 - 10:07and the resignation that had been demanded
the day before by a military uItimatum. -
10:34 - 10:37When Jango left for Porto Alegre
to bury his friend, -
10:37 - 10:42he took with him the will
and the political heritage of Getúlio. -
10:48 - 10:51Born on March 1st, 1918,
-
10:51 - 10:55Jango, the seventh child of
Vicente and Vicentina Goulart, -
10:55 - 10:57affluent landowners,
-
10:57 - 11:01spontaneously lived in close
contact with farm workers. -
11:01 - 11:03His youth years in Porto Alegre
-
11:03 - 11:07were spent between the bliss of bohemian
life and the rigors of the academy. -
11:07 - 11:11In the country of lawyers,
Jango also got a law degree -
11:11 - 11:13and quickly climbed the steps of
a life in politics. -
11:14 - 11:17State congressman in 1947,
Federal congressman in 1950, -
11:17 - 11:20secretary of interior and justice
in Rio Grande do Sul, -
11:20 - 11:22national chairman for PTB.
-
11:22 - 11:28In 1954, when Getúlio had to replace
his waves to the people -
11:28 - 11:31for commitments with the working classes,
-
11:31 - 11:34Jango stepped out of the shadows,
joining the Ministry of Employment. -
11:35 - 11:40Side-by-side in the ministry
sat people from the old-republic, -
11:40 - 11:44Getúlio's comrades from the 1930 Revolution,
seasoned politicians. -
11:44 - 11:46Joăo Goulart, at age 36,
-
11:47 - 11:51personified Vargas' wish to inject
new blood into Brazilian politics. -
11:52 - 11:55Jango became minister when
seamen were carrying out a strike -
11:55 - 11:56for better pay.
-
11:58 - 12:01He mediated the conflict
and used his influence to -
12:01 - 12:03grant their claims.
-
12:04 - 12:09To celebrate May 1st, he prepared
a fair gift to workers: -
12:10 - 12:12a 100% -increase in minimum wage.
-
12:13 - 12:16Getúlio granted the increase
but dismissed Jango, -
12:16 - 12:19because the salary increase reignited
a military crisis, -
12:19 - 12:23that exploded in a manifesto
signed by 42 colonels. -
12:23 - 12:26BraziI and its army
had been closely following -
12:26 - 12:29the ongoing ideological battle
for a long time. -
12:29 - 12:34And this battle was
greatly strengthened -
12:34 - 12:39when Mr. Joăo Goulart
was minister of employment -
12:39 - 12:41in the Getúlio administration.
-
12:41 - 12:46Surrounded by leftists
in his ministry, -
12:46 - 12:52Jango started adopting measures
that caused concern among the military. -
12:52 - 12:55And the colonels,
in light of the Brazilian atmosphere, -
12:56 - 12:59decided to warn
their military chiefs, generals, -
12:59 - 13:02and signed a manifesto.
-
13:03 - 13:08To communicate their concern
-
13:08 - 13:12about the path that BraziI was
following towards the left. -
13:13 - 13:16That was the purpose of the manifesto.
-
13:16 - 13:19this manifesto was written
by a group of military officers -
13:19 - 13:22at the Superior War College and at the
General Command of the Military Forces. -
13:22 - 13:25The writer was General Golbery.
-
13:26 - 13:32The man doing the lobbying
was then General Ademar de Queiroz. -
13:32 - 13:34The campaign against Getúlio was unrelenting.
-
13:35 - 13:39Gregório Fortunato, head of
the president's Personal guard -
13:39 - 13:41tried to silence the opposition
with a gun. -
13:42 - 13:45The attack, wich injured
Journalist Carlos Lacerda -
13:45 - 13:49and killed air force major Rubem Vaz,
in the small hours of August 5th, -
13:49 - 13:52strengthened the conspiracy
against the government. -
13:52 - 13:55The dramatic outcome of the crisis,
with the president's suicide, -
13:56 - 13:58robbed the conspirators
of the thrill of victory -
14:03 - 14:06A defeated candidate
for a senate seat in '54, -
14:06 - 14:10during the '55 elections, Jango received
the votes from the labor class -
14:10 - 14:12which elected him Vice-President
-
14:12 - 14:15and gave to Juscelino Kubitschek
the presidency of the republic. -
14:15 - 14:18Before the inauguration, the wedding.
-
14:18 - 14:23On May 12nd, 1955, Jango got married
to Maria Teresa Fontela, -
14:23 - 14:25who had also been born
in his hometown of Săo Borja. -
14:27 - 14:30As vice-president, Jango represented
the always smiling JK -
14:30 - 14:32in dealings with the working class.
-
14:33 - 14:37Securing the necessary stability
to allow JK to apply his Plan of Goals -
14:37 - 14:39and to increase industrialization,
-
14:39 - 14:44PTB's political support protected the
salaries and the freedom of the workers. -
14:47 - 14:49With peace underway,
-
14:49 - 14:52the constitutional rules govern Brazil.
-
14:54 - 14:58While occupying the office of
President, during JK's absences, -
14:58 - 15:02Jango combined administrative know-how
and political expertise. -
15:05 - 15:08The visit to the Soviet Union
in late 1960 -
15:09 - 15:12turned Vice-President Joăo Goulart
into the first Latin-American leader -
15:13 - 15:17to pierce the ideological barrier
buiIt by western countries around Moscow. -
15:18 - 15:21Welcomed by Alexei Kosygin
and Leonid Brejnev, -
15:21 - 15:23high-ranking soviet officials,
-
15:23 - 15:26Jango broadened Brazil's political horizons.
-
15:26 - 15:29Breaching the automatic alignment
with the United States, -
15:29 - 15:32he included the country among the
frontline of non-aligned nations. -
15:34 - 15:38Jango could not go to the Soviet Union
and not see the burial place of Lenin, -
15:38 - 15:42the hero of the 191 7 communist revolution.
-
15:42 - 15:46The protocoI visit displeased
the military -
15:46 - 15:49which, in 1961 ,
tried to prevent his inauguration. -
15:51 - 15:53When visiting Leningrad,
-
15:53 - 15:57the port where Russia's feudal
history began to sink, -
15:57 - 15:59Jango went onboard the Aurora cruiser,
-
15:59 - 16:02from which the first shots of the
Bolshevik revolution were fired. -
16:02 - 16:08Jango would be reminded of those images
when granting freedom to Brazilian mariners -
16:08 - 16:11after the 1964 revoIt.
-
16:16 - 16:19The trip's joyfuI and informal tone,
-
16:19 - 16:21caused a meIting of the " cold war" .
-
16:26 - 16:30Robots, mechanical arms, atoms.
-
16:31 - 16:34Jango discovered in Russia a world
on the brink of the Sputnik age. -
16:36 - 16:39BraziI was on the brink of the " Broom age."
-
16:39 - 16:45Jânio Quadros' victory in
the 1960 presidential elections -
16:45 - 16:48enabled UDN to quench its
thirst for power. -
16:48 - 16:52Carlos Lacerda, Afonso Arinos
and Magalhăes Pinto -
16:52 - 16:57were the hosts of a party that
turned Jânio into a born-again UDN member. -
16:58 - 17:01Banners, waves,
-
17:02 - 17:03hugs and applause
-
17:03 - 17:05surrounded the conversion ritual.
-
17:06 - 17:09BraziI had caught the
"Jânio fever" . -
17:09 - 17:13Jânio Quadros is the hope
Of this abandoned people -
17:15 - 17:16Sweep, sweep, sweep, sweep...
-
17:16 - 17:19Sweep, sweep little broom
-
17:20 - 17:22Sweep away all this shamefuI behavior
-
17:23 - 17:26Because the people is tired
-
17:26 - 17:29Of so much suffering
-
17:31 - 17:35In the eyes of the PTB and of the leftist groups,
Marshal Henrique Teixeira Lott -
17:36 - 17:39was the ideal presidential candidate.
-
17:44 - 17:47Well-respected by the Armed Forces,
-
17:47 - 17:51he had conquered the admiration of civilians
on November 1 1st, 1955, -
17:51 - 17:54when, as ministry of defense, he guaranteed
-
17:54 - 17:56the inauguration of JK and Jango.
-
18:00 - 18:04His candidacy had been launched in 1956,
-
18:04 - 18:06when he received the " golden sword " ,
-
18:06 - 18:09during a ceremony promoted
by sergeants and officers. -
18:11 - 18:13Jango was a candidate for reelection.
-
18:15 - 18:18BraziI needs a strong arm
-
18:18 - 18:22I am, you are, we are voting for Lott
-
18:23 - 18:26The bond between military nationalism
and the labor party -
18:26 - 18:29included government plans for agricuItural
reform and illiterate vote. -
18:30 - 18:34When its time to vote
I'll "Jang", I'll "Jang" -
18:34 - 18:38Jango, Jango
Jango Goulart -
18:39 - 18:43For Vice-President
Will "Jang" Jorge Freitas -
18:43 - 18:47Jango, Jango
Jango Goulart -
18:48 - 18:52PSB, aiming to maintain its
successfuI alliance with PTB, -
18:52 - 18:55supported the Lott-Joăo Goulart slate.
-
18:56 - 18:58Perpetual candidate Ademar de Barros,
-
18:58 - 19:01and his same old Social Progressive Party,
-
19:01 - 19:03pilfered popular votes.
-
19:04 - 19:08First from Juscelino, now from Lott.
-
19:08 - 19:13A solemn MiIton Campos was UDN's
bet for Jânio's slate. -
19:13 - 19:17In an attempt to free up his hands,
Jânio connived towards -
19:17 - 19:20a " Jan-Jan" slate,
which ended up being successful. -
19:26 - 19:29The 5 years of the JK
administration rocked Brazil. -
19:30 - 19:34Modernization trends ran rampant in the country,
as part of a " new" fever: -
19:34 - 19:37Bossa Nova, New Cinema, a new capital city.
-
19:38 - 19:42The city's bold architecture
became a futurist frame -
19:42 - 19:44for a country full of
age-old contrasts. -
19:45 - 19:48JK left office feeling
certain he would come back. -
19:49 - 19:54Almost 6 million votes
brought Jânio to power. -
19:56 - 19:59Soon he'd pull a rabbit out of his hat.
-
20:02 - 20:06Jânio initiated a program
of moral reforms. -
20:07 - 20:09Prohibited horse racing
during the week, -
20:10 - 20:12adopted slack suits as uniform,
-
20:12 - 20:16prohibited cock fighting
and banned bikini-clad women from TV. -
20:17 - 20:22The country, in dire need of a leader,
had, at last, found its vice-policeman. -
20:24 - 20:26The government staggered in ambiguity.
-
20:26 - 20:30Moralist internal policies sealed
its commitments -
20:30 - 20:32with middle-class standards.
-
20:33 - 20:36Economic measures,
such as instruction 204, -
20:36 - 20:38which created a single tax
assessed on dollar transactions, -
20:38 - 20:42benefited exporters and
foreign investors. -
20:43 - 20:45The end of agricuItural subventions
-
20:45 - 20:48caused increased food prices and inflation.
-
20:50 - 20:53Foreign policies followed a
different mould, -
20:53 - 20:57The visit of president Sukarno inaugurated
a new possibility of talks -
20:57 - 21:01with the non-aligned block,
that was formed in the early 60s. -
21:05 - 21:09The president had this contradiction
-
21:09 - 21:14between the expansion
of the Brazilian personality abroad -
21:14 - 21:18and a limitation on the country's
economic-financial status. -
21:18 - 21:22He had to advance policies that
were not contradictory, -
21:22 - 21:27but that had to abide by
those two contingencies, -
21:27 - 21:29those two requirements.
-
21:29 - 21:33BraziI was ready to strengthen its
international identity, -
21:34 - 21:38but the country, at that time, really
depended on the countries -
21:38 - 21:40with which it had
economic-financial relations -
21:41 - 21:44in order to maintain its internal
financial stability. -
21:45 - 21:47The decoration of Ernesto " Che" Guevara
-
21:47 - 21:51was too bold a gesture for the
Government's internal allies. -
21:53 - 21:57Carlos Lacerda, a fierce ally
up to then, -
21:57 - 22:00turned his back on Jânio and started
a crisis that would lead to his resignation. -
22:08 - 22:11In August 1961 ,
-
22:11 - 22:15a handshake with Mao Tsę-Tung turned
Joăo Goulart into a pioneer again, -
22:16 - 22:19this time bringing
BraziI closer to the 3rd world. -
22:22 - 22:25Jango broke the barriers that separated
the western countries -
22:25 - 22:27from the People's Republic of China.
-
22:28 - 22:32In Beijing he repeated the " meIting"
ritual that had taken place in Moscow. -
22:33 - 22:37For Jango, friendship between people
went beyond ideological frontiers -
22:43 - 22:48The visit acknowledged the Chinese people's
right to self-determination. -
22:50 - 22:53My Chinese friends,
-
22:53 - 22:58during these last few days
with the Chinese people -
22:58 - 23:00and its officials,
-
23:00 - 23:06I was able to see that this is not the
old China, full of legends and superstitions, -
23:07 - 23:12which westerners regard
with a mixture of vague fright -
23:12 - 23:16and reverential admiration
for the unknown. -
23:16 - 23:22Your country exhibits
a renewed youthfuIness -
23:22 - 23:24in and on itself.
-
23:24 - 23:26In the first contact with your people,
-
23:26 - 23:31in light of the warm welcome
extended to us, -
23:31 - 23:37I feIt like I was being hosted
by an old friend. -
23:38 - 23:42Let friendship grow ever closer,
-
23:42 - 23:47between the People's Republic of China
and the United States of Brazil. -
23:53 - 23:57Let the friendship among Asian, African
-
23:57 - 24:00and Latin-American people grow.
-
24:10 - 24:14On August 25th, 1961 ,
-
24:14 - 24:17news of the president's
resignation were everywhere. -
24:18 - 24:22Jânio left Brasília and took refuge
at the Cumbica Airbase in Săo Paulo, -
24:22 - 24:25where he awaited the
outcome of the events. -
24:25 - 24:28In doubt, one of
his assistants -
24:28 - 24:30brought the presidential ribbon.
-
24:32 - 24:34With the Vice-President abroad,
-
24:34 - 24:36Congress chairman Ranieri Mazzilli
-
24:36 - 24:39became interim head of state.
-
24:39 - 24:43The military ministers tried to avoid
Jango's return and inauguration. -
24:44 - 24:48And those that were involved
with the problem of the ongoing -
24:48 - 24:50battle in Brazil,
-
24:51 - 24:55were against Jango's ascension,
-
24:56 - 25:01even though we were not
-
25:03 - 25:07against Jango himself,
-
25:07 - 25:10but against the men that surrounded him
-
25:10 - 25:14and that were leading him
into adopting a leftist standing -
25:14 - 25:17that was not what we wanted.
-
25:18 - 25:20And it is important to note:
-
25:20 - 25:24at that point, a revolutionary war
was underway in Brazil -
25:25 - 25:30urging a peaceful
take over of power. -
25:30 - 25:34And that was what we wanted
to avoid in Brazil. -
25:34 - 25:38We did not want BraziI to follow
in the steps of the Czech-Slovak republic. -
25:39 - 25:44My first gesture was to offer
guarantees to president Jânio Quadros, -
25:45 - 25:48because we believed, at first,
-
25:48 - 25:51that he had been the victim of a coup.
-
25:52 - 25:55Finally, we were able to get in contact,
-
25:55 - 25:58via the journalist Castello Branco,
-
25:58 - 26:00with the Cumbica airbase, in Săo Paulo.
-
26:00 - 26:04And president Quadros told me
that he had actually resigned. -
26:04 - 26:10From then on, we protested
incessantly. -
26:10 - 26:13for the inauguration of the Vice-President.
-
26:14 - 26:17I took all actions that
were incumbent on the state -
26:17 - 26:20in terms of mobilization
-
26:22 - 26:24so as to ensure public order.
-
26:25 - 26:28I got in touch with the
3rd Army Commander -
26:28 - 26:32and said that, in view of the situation,
which I was also aware of, -
26:33 - 26:36the State had to take all actions
-
26:36 - 26:39to ensure pubic order.
-
26:39 - 26:40And that, according to the Constitution,
-
26:40 - 26:43only if we were unable to
ensure public order, -
26:43 - 26:49would we request help and protection
from the federal forces. -
26:50 - 26:53He agreed and I took all actions.
-
26:54 - 26:56We mobilized all available
weapons -
26:56 - 26:58and got ready for resistance.
-
26:58 - 27:01And we feIt that the entire country was closed.
-
27:01 - 27:05All other states
accepted the military counciI rule, -
27:05 - 27:08except for governor Mauro Borges.
-
27:08 - 27:12Here in Rio de Janeiro, governor
Lacerda gave repression a free rein. -
27:12 - 27:17In Săo Paulo, governor
Carvalho Pinto was also absent -
27:17 - 27:20and repression ensued.
The same happened in Minas. -
27:20 - 27:23And I sought to contact all
Generals and military chiefs -
27:24 - 27:27that I could, directly or indirectly.
-
27:27 - 27:32It was, in fact, at that time that I had a
very harsh conversation -
27:32 - 27:36with General Costa e Silva,
the commander of the 4th Army in Recife. -
27:36 - 27:40I'll tell you, in summary, that it
was a very spontaneous movement, -
27:40 - 27:43a very natural movement, that got stronger;
-
27:43 - 27:46we attempted to use
all available means, -
27:46 - 27:49especially the media,
-
27:49 - 27:52which was our salvation.
We were able to bring information -
27:52 - 27:56not only to the public opinion
of the state and country, -
27:56 - 27:58I mean, we essentially
won that fight -
27:58 - 28:01via a public-opinion battle,
-
28:01 - 28:04but also we managed
to inform the military themselves, -
28:05 - 28:11to a point when the military council
that took over the government -
28:11 - 28:16sent an order to a
military unit to go against the south -
28:16 - 28:21and it was the officers themselves
who met and refused to follow the order. -
28:21 - 28:25When I was its president, the National Union
of Students (UNE) called a national strike -
28:25 - 28:29and students were widely mobilized.
-
28:29 - 28:33The Union's board decided
to relocate its headquarters -
28:33 - 28:35to Rio Grande do Sul, where,
-
28:35 - 28:38together with the people
of Rio Grande do SuI and of Brazil, -
28:38 - 28:42they could take part
in the campaign for legality. -
28:42 - 28:46I had the opportunity to
talk to Brazilian university students -
28:46 - 28:48throught the chain of legality
-
28:48 - 28:53and to take part in the entire
mobilization process of the population -
28:53 - 28:56to oppose the military coup
against president Joăo Goulart. -
28:58 - 29:01The people in the streets,
the resistance in the South, -
29:01 - 29:03the split in the armed forces,
-
29:03 - 29:07gave back to the national congress
the controI over the political process. -
29:07 - 29:11this time politicians were
not discussing Jango's unseating, -
29:11 - 29:12but rather his inauguration.
-
29:13 - 29:17Legality was reestablished
with a compromise. -
29:17 - 29:20The congress approved the
parliamentary amendment. -
29:21 - 29:25In the course of the voting
process, some were still undecided. -
29:31 - 29:35In his journey back, Joăo
Goulart exhibited aptitude and patience. -
29:35 - 29:38Upon hearing of the resignation,
he returned immediately to Brazil -
29:38 - 29:40through the longest route:
-
29:40 - 29:43Paris, New York,
Buenos Aires and Montevideo. -
29:44 - 29:45The Pacific Route.
-
29:46 - 29:48From the balcony of Piratini palace
-
29:48 - 29:50he saluted the crowd calling his name.
-
30:10 - 30:14Upon arriving in Brasília, politicians
and military officers celebrated -
30:14 - 30:16the peacefuI solution to the crisis.
-
30:16 - 30:19Even those who had
sided with a military veto -
30:19 - 30:21welcomed the new president.
-
30:32 - 30:35The Colonels of '54 were split.
-
30:35 - 30:39ColoneI Antônio Carlos Muricy
was forced to leave his position -
30:39 - 30:42in Rio Grande do Sul
due to his opposition to Brizola. -
30:42 - 30:45General Golbery, frustrated
with Jânio's resignation, -
30:45 - 30:48left the army to set up lPES.
-
30:48 - 30:52General Ernesto Geisel,
the military commander of Planalto, -
30:52 - 30:56aborted the " Mosquito Operation" , that
had been devised by the FAB officers, -
30:56 - 30:59to bring down the plane that
was flying Jango back to Brasília. -
31:04 - 31:07On September 7th, 1961 ,
-
31:07 - 31:11Jango was inaugurated as president
and announced that his administration -
31:12 - 31:14intended to be the marker
of a new independence of Brazil. -
31:15 - 31:20Political parties, congressmen,
-
31:21 - 31:25everybody knows that,
due to my very nature, -
31:26 - 31:30I tend to bring together
and not to set apart, -
31:30 - 31:34I'm a peacemaker, not an instigator,
-
31:34 - 31:38I prefer to harmonize
rather than stimulate resentment. -
31:39 - 31:43We shall promote internal peace,
peace with dignity, -
31:44 - 31:48peace leading to the safety
of our institutions, -
31:49 - 31:52ensuring our democratic rights,
-
31:52 - 31:56the permanent observance of the
will of the people -
31:56 - 31:59and the inviolability
of the national sovereignty. -
32:05 - 32:07Congressman Ranieri Mazzilli of PSB
-
32:07 - 32:10returned the presidential ribbon
to Joăo Goulart. -
32:12 - 32:15However, the president would still
be under the rule of PSB -
32:15 - 32:17during the new regime.
-
32:22 - 32:24The first parliamentary cabinet
-
32:24 - 32:28was moderate and followed the style
of Prime Minister Tancredo Neves. -
32:28 - 32:33UDN and the Christian Democratic Party
made up the conciliation cabinet. -
32:34 - 32:38President Goulart's PTB
was in the minority. -
32:38 - 32:40Pressure from the population
would be used -
32:40 - 32:43to change the cadence
of ministerial decision-making. -
32:44 - 32:46The government met old
nationalist claims. -
32:47 - 32:49Cancelled the agreement
with Hanna Mining Corporation, -
32:49 - 32:52a muItinational mining company,
and signed the rural act. -
32:54 - 33:00When Mr. Joăo Goulart
became president of the republic, -
33:00 - 33:02we worked the fields
-
33:02 - 33:06organizing peasant leagues,
peasant associations -
33:06 - 33:07and other associations,
-
33:08 - 33:10to fight for agricuItural reform,
-
33:10 - 33:15rallying for the most important claims
of poor countrymen in Brazil. -
33:17 - 33:21During his administration
we had more freedom -
33:22 - 33:25because we strengthened our organizations,
-
33:25 - 33:28especially our unions.
-
33:28 - 33:33The first National AgricuItural
Workers' Meeting was held, -
33:33 - 33:36which included all classes of
poor countrymen, -
33:36 - 33:37in Belo Horizonte.
-
33:38 - 33:42In attendance during the meeting
were Mr. Magalhăes Pinto -
33:43 - 33:44and Mr. Joăo Goulart
-
33:44 - 33:48as well as numerous senators
and federal congressmen -
33:48 - 33:52and other administrative
and political authorities -
33:52 - 33:54of the country.
-
33:54 - 33:56Goulart was a supporter of base reforms.
-
33:56 - 33:59AgricuItural reform, urban reform,
tax reform -
34:00 - 34:02So we joined this fight.
-
34:03 - 34:06What we wanted was the participation
of rural workers -
34:06 - 34:09in the great mobilization process
that was going on in Brazil -
34:09 - 34:12beginning in 1960.
-
34:14 - 34:17In May 1962
-
34:17 - 34:22the government announced the intention
to amend article 1 41 of the Constitution -
34:22 - 34:25that determined the payment of
previous cash indemnification -
34:25 - 34:27for expropriation.
-
34:27 - 34:29Without that change, agricuItural reform
-
34:30 - 34:33would become merely a good
deal for speculators. -
34:37 - 34:39The ideological fight took to the streets.
-
34:40 - 34:42Right-wing propaganda used Cuba
-
34:42 - 34:46as a pretext to wear
its old costumes in public. -
34:50 - 34:52Leftists believed
in the success of the Cuban model. -
34:56 - 34:59Political mobilization to support
FideI Castro -
34:59 - 35:01extended all over Brazil.
-
35:03 - 35:05Chief of police, Sir,
-
35:09 - 35:12we are in a
democratic country... -
35:14 - 35:15We are in a country...
-
35:17 - 35:19Chief of police, Sir,
-
35:21 - 35:23It will be OK.
-
35:24 - 35:26It will be OK because from now...
-
35:30 - 35:32In Pernambuco, in the city of Caruaru,
-
35:33 - 35:35communist leader David Capistrano,
-
35:35 - 35:38who would suffer state-sponsored
violence come the 70s, -
35:38 - 35:41was facing the intolerant 60s.
-
35:48 - 35:52Workers of Caruaru!
-
35:55 - 36:02I call to all communist
leaders of Caruaru! -
36:07 - 36:09The escalating terrorist violence
-
36:09 - 36:12would leave its mark
on the soviet expo, -
36:12 - 36:15that exhibited in Brazil
the new trends of the socialist world -
36:15 - 36:17and the new technology
of Eastern Europe. -
36:20 - 36:23The inquiry that looked into the attack
revealed that part of those actions -
36:23 - 36:26had been planned in the backrooms of
the government of Guanabara. -
36:27 - 36:30The list of those involved,
included the chief of the state police. -
36:31 - 36:34The National Union of Students
was a target of the terrorist actions -
36:35 - 36:36of extreme-right groups.
-
36:37 - 36:41The anti-communist movement
gave rise to an action against -
36:41 - 36:44the National Union of Students with machine
guns being shot at the headquarters of UNE. -
36:44 - 36:48In fact, what was going on
was that in Brazil, -
36:48 - 36:53a fascist group was getting organized,
forming paramilitary organizations, -
36:53 - 36:58the right-wing was getting organized, its
activities funded by foreign organizations; -
36:58 - 37:01later, all that
was revealed. -
37:01 - 37:04All of that had a very clear purpose:
-
37:04 - 37:07to prevent the people from
taking part in politics. -
37:07 - 37:11to curtaiI the participation of workers,
of the working class, -
37:12 - 37:15to curtaiI the participation
of rural workers, -
37:15 - 37:17to curtaiI the participation
of students. -
37:17 - 37:19Because we were actually advancing
-
37:20 - 37:22towards increased democratization.
-
37:22 - 37:26Economic democratization,
democratization of the land, -
37:26 - 37:30democratization of political power,
democratization of knowledge. -
37:30 - 37:33And the Brazilian upper class,
from the heights of its reactionary nature, -
37:33 - 37:37the large foreign groups,
large muItinational companies, -
37:37 - 37:40the great landowners,
the large bourgeoisie of Brazil, -
37:40 - 37:44could not accept
even the basic reforms -
37:44 - 37:47that president Jango Goulart
wanted to implement in Brazil. -
37:51 - 37:55The most audacious part of the
Brazilian government was its foreign policy. -
37:55 - 37:58Itamaraty established a
non-aligned diplomacy, -
37:58 - 38:01unfastening the knots that
bound the interests of the country -
38:01 - 38:04to the decisions that came from Washington.
-
38:04 - 38:07The government resumed
relations with the Soviet Union, -
38:07 - 38:10voted against the
colonialist policy in Africa, -
38:10 - 38:13and supported Cuba's
right to self-determination. -
38:15 - 38:18The foreign policy
got stuck in the frontiers of economic dependency. -
38:19 - 38:23Pressure from the U.S. caused
minister Santiago Dantas to go to Washington, -
38:23 - 38:25where, in a cold weather,
-
38:25 - 38:28he was to negotiate the limits of the
Brazilian foreign debt. -
38:30 - 38:34I believe that those days
-
38:34 - 38:40spent with American and international
authorities in Washington -
38:40 - 38:46are part of the situation
I had the opportunity to announce -
38:46 - 38:49to the Brazilian people
before leaving Brazil -
38:49 - 38:54and that the resuIts of this visit will
meet the expectations of the Brazilian people. -
38:55 - 39:01Those are: that BraziI has no intention
of increasing its debt immoderately -
39:01 - 39:05instead,
we seek to establish -
39:05 - 39:09conditions that will allow the
country to face its commitments -
39:09 - 39:12according to its paying capabilities.
-
39:14 - 39:18Joăo Goulart's trip
to the U.S. in ApriI 1962 -
39:18 - 39:22suspended temporarily the increase
in the gap between both countries. -
39:33 - 39:37A priority in Jango's agenda
was to renegotiate the foreign debt. -
39:38 - 39:43For Kennedy, the important thing
was to redefine the political rules in Brazil. -
39:44 - 39:48Nationalization of U.S. companies
and the program of reforms -
39:48 - 39:51sounded like communism.
-
39:51 - 39:52One week before,
-
39:52 - 39:56governor LeoneI Brizola
expropriated in Rio Grande do Sul -
39:56 - 39:58the assets of Companhia Telefônica Nacional,
-
39:58 - 40:01the Brazilian arm of lTT.
-
40:01 - 40:03The U.S. welcomed Jango with open arms,
-
40:04 - 40:07fearing that Brazil
could move away from the western block. -
40:08 - 40:12In UN, Jango explained, in person
to the international press -
40:12 - 40:14the meaning of the nationalizations.
-
40:15 - 40:17The need we feIt
-
40:18 - 40:24to talk about
the expropriation of companies, -
40:24 - 40:28as part of the discussions,
was caused exactly by the difficuIties -
40:28 - 40:30that they were creating,
at the time, in my country. -
40:30 - 40:34We can encourage
foreign-capital investments -
40:34 - 40:37if we pay fair
remuneration on their capital. -
40:37 - 40:41When I say " fair" ,
I wish to express -
40:41 - 40:44the country's ideal of justice.
-
40:44 - 40:48It cannot yield excessive
profits either. -
40:49 - 40:52Profits that would lead
to very fast enrichment -
40:52 - 40:55in detriment of the national interest
-
40:55 - 40:57or at the expense of
the country's economic stability. -
40:58 - 41:01So we wish to find a fair balance,
-
41:01 - 41:05in which reasonable remuneration
is paid on the capital, -
41:05 - 41:07yielding profits,
-
41:07 - 41:11but as a resuIt of activities that
are in the best interest of the nation, -
41:12 - 41:16so that the profits can also bring
about benefits for the country. -
41:20 - 41:23The department of state sent
two stars to Brazil. -
41:23 - 41:26The pale glamour of John Gavin
-
41:26 - 41:29and the rehearsed faith
of father Patrick Peyton, -
41:29 - 41:33Hollywood vicar, a favorite of
9 out of 10 movie stars. -
41:36 - 41:38To mobilize the
middle classes, -
41:39 - 41:43father Peyton organized
a religious crusade under the motto: -
41:43 - 41:46" The family that prays together
stays together." -
41:47 - 41:50The purpose was to have Catholics
unite against communists. -
41:51 - 41:55And, at the personal request of Jango,
as press secretary, -
41:55 - 41:59I extended father Peyton
all kinds of courtesies, -
41:59 - 42:07and even gave him
television tapes -
42:08 - 42:10so that he could record his campaign.
-
42:11 - 42:14The opposition transferred
the capital to Washington. -
42:15 - 42:18Dollar loans that had been denied
to the Brazilian government -
42:18 - 42:23funded directly the administration of
anti-Joăo Goulart governors. -
42:24 - 42:26The Whitehouse was the
headquarters of the government, -
42:26 - 42:31where Carlos Lacerda and
Ademar de Barros feIt at home. -
42:32 - 42:34I looked into the problem
of slums -
42:34 - 42:37and the president was
clearly impressed -
42:37 - 42:39with the data I showed him.
-
42:39 - 42:42Rio de Janeiro, for example,
has an annual deficit -
42:42 - 42:46of 10 thousand homes,
-
42:46 - 42:48and this deficit has been accruing over the
last 10 years. -
42:48 - 42:51Which means that we have a deficit,
in Rio de Janeiro alone, -
42:51 - 42:53of 100 thousand homes.
-
42:53 - 42:58And not only was the president impressed,
but he also got in touch with Mr. Goodman -
42:58 - 43:01to try and move forward
the ongoing projects -
43:01 - 43:03relating to the slums in Guanabara.
-
43:04 - 43:06We discussed a half-dozen matters;
-
43:06 - 43:11the problem of the Port of Santos,
the problem of the Săo Sebastiăo Port. -
43:11 - 43:15The problem of the water supply
to the city of Săo Paulo; -
43:15 - 43:19we have water for 2.5 million inhabitants
-
43:19 - 43:22and we need water for
4.5 million inhabitants. -
43:23 - 43:25We have huge problems,
-
43:25 - 43:31new highways,
electricity for railroads, -
43:31 - 43:34new hydroelectric plants,
-
43:34 - 43:36many problems
-
43:36 - 43:39relating to the economy of Săo Paulo
and of the country. -
43:39 - 43:42The cabinet headed by Tancredo Neves
came to an end -
43:42 - 43:45when the prime minister resigned
to run in the elections. -
43:45 - 43:48The new cabinet,
headed by Brochado da Rocha -
43:48 - 43:51survived two months
of successive crisis. -
43:51 - 43:56The last prime minister, Hermes Lima,
a member of the Socialist Party, -
43:56 - 43:59came to wind up parliamentarism
in the country. -
44:00 - 44:02With presidentialism in sight,
-
44:02 - 44:06the 1962 elections
became more important. -
44:06 - 44:10As part of the elections,
the right wing laid down its arms. -
44:10 - 44:12To stop the progress of the left,
-
44:12 - 44:16Brazilian Institute for Democratic Action
- lBAD -, -
44:16 - 44:18the advanced arm of lPES,
-
44:18 - 44:21injected over 2 million
dollars in the campaign -
44:21 - 44:25funding the campaign of
250 candidates to the federal congress -
44:25 - 44:27and several governors.
-
44:28 - 44:35Will the democratic institutions
prevaiI over the battle of relentless ambitions? -
44:36 - 44:37From crisis to chaos
-
44:37 - 44:42The country can be dragged
into an irreversible crisis. -
44:42 - 44:48What are we doing to prevent
that the Brazilian people be faced -
44:49 - 44:53with the tragic choice between
anti-democratic solutions? -
44:54 - 44:58We, the intellectuals,
we, the company owners, -
44:59 - 45:03we, the men who have
the responsibility to rule, -
45:03 - 45:08we, who believe in democracy
and in free initiative, -
45:08 - 45:15we cannot remain silent while
the situation deteriorates day by day. -
45:15 - 45:18Omission is a crime.!
-
45:18 - 45:25lf we remain isolated, we'll be crushed.
We must combine our efforts. -
45:25 - 45:30Let us direct the actions of the
democrats into one single path -
45:30 - 45:34so that we shall not be
victims of totalitarianism. -
45:34 - 45:39And it is exactly to coordinate
the thoughts and actions -
45:39 - 45:42of all those that do not
wish to remain silent -
45:44 - 45:47in light of the catastrophe
that threatens us, -
45:47 - 45:51that we have created
a new organism, -
45:51 - 45:56with a new message for the
new reality of Brazil. -
45:56 - 45:59We have one basic purpose.:
-
45:59 - 46:04To prevent the difficuIt situation
that the country is facing -
46:04 - 46:08from compromising
our democratic institutions -
46:08 - 46:10and christian traditions.
-
46:10 - 46:17The Institute for Social Research and Study
has these basic goals. -
46:18 - 46:21Its purposes are clear and well-defined.
-
46:22 - 46:27The Institute shall execute a plan
to achieve such purposes as.: -
46:29 - 46:33The strengthening of the
democratic institutions,: -
46:34 - 46:37end of underdevelopment,:
-
46:37 - 46:40currency stabilization,:
-
46:41 - 46:46The moralization and efficiency
of the governmental structure. -
46:46 - 46:50But lPES cannot be reduced to words.
-
46:51 - 46:52Action is necessary.
-
46:53 - 46:55All those dollars
were not enough to prevent the triumph -
46:55 - 46:58of politicians committed to
the reforms. -
46:59 - 47:01The number of congressmen from UDN dropped
-
47:01 - 47:03while the number of congressmen
from PTB increased. -
47:03 - 47:05PSB maintained the majority.
-
47:05 - 47:08The new congress
gained a different face. -
47:09 - 47:11Politicians regrouped
in fronts. -
47:11 - 47:14On the one side,
the Nationalist Parliamentary Front. -
47:15 - 47:18And on the other,
the Parliamentary Democratic Action, -
47:18 - 47:20the lair of reaction
against the reforms. -
47:22 - 47:26One of the most important aspects of
that group of right-wing congressmen, -
47:26 - 47:30was the fact that, even though it was
called " Parliamentary Democratic Action" , -
47:30 - 47:33and had little or no democracy about it,
-
47:33 - 47:40it managed to
turn congress -
47:41 - 47:43into a stage for conflicts.
-
47:43 - 47:49Conflicts that were certainly
based on actual economic interests -
47:50 - 47:54but that were being presented
as ideological battles. -
47:54 - 47:58When asked to decide
the fate of parliamentarism, -
47:59 - 48:01the people returned to Jango the
powers that had been stripped from him. -
48:02 - 48:0515 million people voted.
-
48:05 - 48:08Almost 10 million said
"no" to parliamentarism. -
48:09 - 48:11Jango had 3 more years
of government ahead of him. -
48:13 - 48:17The president, with a minority in congress,
organized a conciliatory cabinet -
48:18 - 48:19where PSB had a majority
of the representatives -
48:19 - 48:22and the left-wing
held the most influence. -
48:32 - 48:36Democratization in the use of land,
illiterate vote, -
48:36 - 48:41rules to govern rents,
fair basis for minimum wage. -
48:41 - 48:45Those were the highlights
of a government program -
48:45 - 48:48that could achieve
greater social harmony. -
49:01 - 49:04Jango intended to end hunger
and misery, -
49:04 - 49:08in a country where justice had always
been the dark side of democracy. -
49:11 - 49:15The situation in the northeast received
special attention from the government. -
49:16 - 49:20The president's plan
in '64 received -
49:20 - 49:25the same opposition he had attracted
back in '54 as minister of employment. -
49:26 - 49:29Strike seeker,
promoter of class battles -
49:29 - 49:31and enemy of capitalism.
-
49:34 - 49:39The agricuItural workers, mobilized by
the social transformation process, -
49:39 - 49:42received a wakeup call
about the longstanding poverty in the fields. -
49:42 - 49:47The perspective of small changes
in a country with great inequalities -
49:47 - 49:48brought about many illusions.
-
49:50 - 49:54Thousands of workers,
landless and jobless, -
49:54 - 49:56embarked aboard a train of hope,
-
49:56 - 50:00leaping from the pages of a book
onto the political scene. -
50:01 - 50:05With the reforms, Jango
made the country live its utopia. -
50:18 - 50:21The president needed the support
of the military. -
50:21 - 50:24The tradition of military
intervention in the political life -
50:24 - 50:26no longer had the hues of adventure.
-
50:27 - 50:32The improvisation of the 20s had
been replaced by the ideology of the late 40s. -
50:33 - 50:37The Superior War College,
created in 1950 -
50:37 - 50:40to mirror the North-American War College,
-
50:40 - 50:42assembled its own political model,
-
50:42 - 50:45based on the concept of
safety and development. -
50:48 - 50:50Challenging the disciplinary rule,
-
50:50 - 50:54sergeants elected two representatives
in the October '62 elections. -
50:54 - 50:55RevoIting against the legal decision
-
50:56 - 50:58that prevented the investiture
of the elected representatives, -
50:58 - 51:01the sergeants followed a
military tradition and rebelled. -
51:01 - 51:05Jango had to punish them to
prevent a breach of discipline -
51:05 - 51:07that could bring down
the government itself. -
51:07 - 51:11Unions, students and politicians
rallied for the rebelling sergeants. -
51:12 - 51:14The president pardoned the sergeants,
-
51:14 - 51:18in a decision that usually
was only granted to officers. -
51:20 - 51:24The political activities of the sergeants
intimidated the military chiefs. -
51:24 - 51:28General Ozino Alves, a nationalist
with a good reputation among the ranks -
51:28 - 51:31was personally trying,
as head of the 1st army -
51:31 - 51:34to have the officers
support the government. -
51:53 - 51:57Joăo Goulart would
soon commit a fatal mistake. -
51:57 - 52:01As many other progressive
heads of state in Latin America, -
52:01 - 52:03he paid the price for his na:ďvetę
-
52:03 - 52:05in trying to settle
the military dispute over lunch. -
52:06 - 52:09The plot against Goulart
was well underway. -
52:09 - 52:13Telegrams confirmed that the minister
of war of the Jango administration, -
52:13 - 52:16general Amaury Kruel, was,
himself, part of the military group -
52:16 - 52:19plotting the coup d'etat.
-
52:20 - 52:23Together at the palace, they
once again swore -
52:23 - 52:27loyalty to the president
and allegiance to the constitution. -
52:27 - 52:30The intention of the military chiefs
-
52:30 - 52:34was exactly to have Jango
reach the end of his term of office, -
52:35 - 52:41since we only intended to start
an armed fight as a last resort. -
52:42 - 52:46We did prepare to
be able to face -
52:46 - 52:49any government action.
-
52:51 - 52:55But, by late '63,
-
52:56 - 53:00we received notice that the government
had been preparing a coup, -
53:01 - 53:08and those news were confirmed by
an individual we held in high esteem -
53:10 - 53:11and trust,
-
53:12 - 53:17so we contemplated the possibility of
taking action before the government. -
53:18 - 53:20The armed forces tend to adopt
interventionist actions, -
53:20 - 53:25because usually in Brazil
social conflicts -
53:25 - 53:29are settled via the intervention
of the armed forces. -
53:29 - 53:32So the political entities behind
those conflicts -
53:32 - 53:34are the ones that invite the intervention
of the armed forces. -
53:34 - 53:36The manner in which such
intervention can be prevented -
53:36 - 53:39is to have the armed forces turn into
a neutral entity, -
53:40 - 53:41which is only possible
-
53:41 - 53:44with the political and ideological
division of the armed forces. -
53:47 - 53:51The economic crisis, with an inflation
threatening to go beyond the 100% mark -
53:51 - 53:54would be one of the obstacles
affecting social development. -
53:54 - 53:58The general command of workers,
the compact group of PTB, -
53:58 - 54:01LeoneI Brizola and the
National Union of Students -
54:01 - 54:05called for basic reforms
as the immediate solution. -
54:05 - 54:09The three-year plan of Celso Furtado
and Santiago Dantas -
54:09 - 54:12suggested, first,
the sanitizing of the economy. -
54:13 - 54:16This is a very important point,
-
54:16 - 54:22since it touches the very nature
of the Joăo Goulart administration. -
54:22 - 54:25Joăo Goulart had not been elected
president of the republic, -
54:25 - 54:29he had actually been part of a
PSD-PTB coalition. -
54:29 - 54:33And the head of the coalition was PSD,
the majority party. -
54:33 - 54:36When Jango was sworn into office,
he had to adjust such forces. -
54:36 - 54:44And l'd say that it led...
not so much to a dichotomy, -
54:44 - 54:46but rather to a double
orientation of the government, -
54:46 - 54:48or the forces
that supported the government. -
54:48 - 54:53One group was intent on recovering
controI over the situation. -
54:53 - 54:55I mean, the economy
was in a state of disarray, -
54:55 - 54:58and, as I said,
it faced a strong inflationary surge, -
54:58 - 55:00lack of payments,
domestic and foreign problems. -
55:01 - 55:03And it was necessary to recover
controI over that. -
55:03 - 55:05And my opinion, even back then,
-
55:05 - 55:07is that it is impossible
to recover controI without growth, -
55:08 - 55:10in an orderly fashion.
Hence the three-year plan. -
55:10 - 55:15l'd say: if we recover the reigns of the
situation, we'll make the economy grow -
55:15 - 55:18so we'll be able to introduce reforms,
-
55:18 - 55:21that are the essence
of the government's policies. -
55:21 - 55:25That is why the three-year plan ended
with a list of the structural reforms -
55:25 - 55:26that were necessary.
-
55:26 - 55:30But they resuIted from
an increased controI over the economy -
55:30 - 55:33and, therefore, a consensus
was necessary -
55:33 - 55:38to ensure a solid standing
for the government. -
55:38 - 55:42What happened was that the different
groups that supported the government -
55:43 - 55:44could not reach a consensus.
-
55:44 - 55:48At least with regard to this strategy,
they couldn't . -
55:48 - 55:51And there were powerfuI groups that
believed that it was more important -
55:51 - 55:54to launch immediately
the reform plans. -
55:54 - 55:57And that is what prevented a consensus.
-
55:57 - 56:02And president Joăo Goulart was
torn between the two groups. -
56:03 - 56:06Attacked by unions
and business owners, -
56:06 - 56:09the three-year plan never left the drawer.
-
56:09 - 56:11As a remedy for the economic crisis,
-
56:11 - 56:13it had an effect that was
unacceptable to the government: -
56:14 - 56:16limits on salaries.
-
56:19 - 56:21The General Command of Workers,
-
56:21 - 56:24completely immersed
in institutional debates, -
56:24 - 56:28abandoned the strengthening
of its union foundations. -
56:28 - 56:30CGT exchanged the work at production lines,
-
56:30 - 56:32where it worked side-by-side
with the workers, -
56:32 - 56:35for activities developed
side-by-side with politicians. -
56:36 - 56:38Strike was a word of order,
-
56:38 - 56:41heard only by employees
of state-owned companies -
56:41 - 56:45sometimes with the cautious support
of industrial and trade workers. -
56:46 - 56:50When the command of workers realized
its mistake, it was too late. -
56:50 - 56:52March was around the corner.
-
56:52 - 56:54ENOUGH EXPLOlTATlON
-
56:54 - 56:57Jango intended to change
the face of Brazilian capitalism -
56:57 - 57:02by reducing social inequalities, giving
capitalism a more humanitarian, less -
57:02 - 57:03savage appearance.
-
57:03 - 57:07Among his allies, his goals
were often mistaken -
57:07 - 57:10for an intention to end capitalism.
-
57:10 - 57:14Other times, his allies thought he had
no intention of ending capitalism, -
57:14 - 57:19He had to put together a strategy
while battling the personal discomfort -
57:19 - 57:22of being the rich president
of a poor country. -
57:23 - 57:26The President was aware of
the influence of the church. -
57:26 - 57:30It was up tp Jango to convince the
high catholic hierarchy -
57:30 - 57:34that the social reforms that he
intended to carry out in Brazil -
57:34 - 57:38would establish the principles of justice
that were defended by Christianity. -
57:39 - 57:44The factions that supported Brizola, organized
all over the country in groups of 1 1 , -
57:44 - 57:47described Brizola's battle
for power with the following slogan: -
57:48 - 57:51" A brother-in-law is not a relative.
Brizola for president." -
57:55 - 58:00The family ties were an
obstacle created by the constitution. -
58:00 - 58:02The proposed amendment
-
58:02 - 58:05served as a weapon for the propaganda
against the government. -
58:07 - 58:12Travestied as a defender of the constitution,
the right wing got stronger. -
58:12 - 58:16The noisy campaign convinced
the middle class, the military, -
58:16 - 58:20the church and business owners that the
government wanted to change the constitution -
58:20 - 58:22to put an end to democracy.
-
58:26 - 58:29In an interview to the
Los Angeles Times, -
58:29 - 58:33Governor Carlos Lacerda
announced that the Brazilian military -
58:33 - 58:36were setting the exact date
to remove Joăo Goulart from power. -
58:37 - 58:41Military ministers, indignant,
wanted to have Lacerda punished. -
58:45 - 58:47JANGO FLlES TODAY TO
PROPERTY lN BRASÍLlA -
58:48 - 58:50Jango tried to use a state of emergency
-
58:50 - 58:53to overcome, in a political manner,
the military reaction against the governor -
58:53 - 58:56and reestablish the authority of his administration.
-
58:57 - 59:00The left wing suspected that the action
could adversely affect it. -
59:02 - 59:09One needs to look back on
those difficuIt and complex days, -
59:09 - 59:12when the pressure mounted
against us. -
59:12 - 59:14When it came from everywhere.
-
59:14 - 59:17From our country and from abroad.
-
59:18 - 59:21People truly didn't want
-
59:21 - 59:23fundamental reforms to be made in Brazil.
-
59:24 - 59:27We had been informed that,
in Săo Paulo, Ademar de Barros, -
59:28 - 59:30and in the state of Rio de Janeiro,
Carlos Lacerda, -
59:30 - 59:35were actively getting ready
to carry out a revolution or coup d'etat. -
59:36 - 59:38The state of emergency was
called in Rio de Janeiro -
59:38 - 59:42during a meeting between Jango,
his ministry -
59:42 - 59:44and the military ministers.
-
59:44 - 59:46The news that got to
Brasília about the state of emergency -
59:46 - 59:49were really daunting for us.
-
59:49 - 59:52We did not know at that time
if the correlation of powers -
59:52 - 59:56allowed the installation
of a state of emergency in this country -
59:56 - 59:59that would not be later
changed by the majority forces, -
59:59 - 60:02by the reactionary part of PSD,
in alliance with UDN, -
60:03 - 60:04into an instrument against workers.
-
60:04 - 60:07An instrument against
the labor rights that had been achieved. -
60:07 - 60:09Regardless of Joăo Goulart's will.
-
60:10 - 60:12After Jango arrived in Brasília
-
60:12 - 60:15and we found out that the project
for state of emergency -
60:15 - 60:20had started to be amended,
to enable violations of domicile, -
60:20 - 60:26and allowing all of the abuses
that became commonplace after '64, -
60:26 - 60:29we came to the conclusion
that we'd oppose the state of emergency. -
60:29 - 60:32To this day I'm not sure
if that was the right decision. -
60:36 - 60:38To avoid defeat, Jango capitulated.
-
60:39 - 60:40lsolated in congress,
-
60:40 - 60:43opposed by governors
Lacerda, Magalhăes and Ademar, -
60:44 - 60:48suffering an economic embargo on the part of
the U.S., Jango had no alternative: -
60:48 - 60:50he tried to mobilize the citizens
-
60:50 - 60:53by personally raising
the flag of reform. -
60:54 - 60:57In January 1964,
-
60:57 - 61:01the president revived and regulated
the law on remittance of profits, -
61:02 - 61:05which had been approved by the
Congress over one year before. -
61:08 - 61:11By March, a lunch party
held at the Military Base -
61:11 - 61:14and the warm welcome extended
by a number of officers -
61:14 - 61:17were not enough to erase
the restlessness and doubts -
61:17 - 61:19from the worn-out expression
of the president. -
61:20 - 61:22The adhesion of low-ranking
-
61:22 - 61:27and military officers to
the nationalist governmental project -
61:27 - 61:31expressed the efforts of most
of the sectors of the Brazilian society -
61:31 - 61:34towards the construction
of a fair democracy. -
61:41 - 61:45The menace represented by the reforms
that threatened the Brazilian powerful, -
61:45 - 61:47came to life in March.
-
61:47 - 61:50In its strategy of popular mobilization,
-
61:50 - 61:53the government called a mass meeting
in Rio de Janeiro. -
61:53 - 61:56The " meeting of the Central" ,
as it was called, -
61:56 - 61:59was scheduled for Friday, 13th.
-
62:01 - 62:04Everything had been carefully planned.
-
62:04 - 62:08From amplifiers to security,
nothing could go wrong -
62:08 - 62:12when the president took
the message of reform to the people. -
62:12 - 62:15The setting for the last act
had been prepared. -
62:16 - 62:23March '64 was a month
of intense activity -
62:23 - 62:25and many concerns.
-
62:27 - 62:31Subversive activities promoted
by the government were on the rise -
62:31 - 62:36and we had decided to face whatever
the government could dish out. -
62:37 - 62:40When the meeting on the 13th was held,
-
62:41 - 62:45we considered that meeting
to be an intimidation, -
62:45 - 62:50a strike against the army. Carried out
next door to the army headquarters, -
62:50 - 62:56with posters that were clearly
subversive against the democratic order -
62:57 - 63:01That meeting deeply affected the military.
-
63:01 - 63:03And a few days before the 13th,
-
63:04 - 63:09one of my subordinates told me
-
63:09 - 63:15that a group of officers were planning
to put an end to that movement -
63:15 - 63:20in the most violent manner possible.
I saw such an intention as alarming. -
63:21 - 63:25I brought the fact to the knowledge
of General Castelo Branco -
63:25 - 63:27at the army headquarters
-
63:27 - 63:29and to the knowledge
of general Costa e Silva -
63:29 - 63:32at the department of production
and construction works. -
63:33 - 63:37Both of them, general Castelo
in particular, -
63:37 - 63:43were very concerned and said:
"but that is unacceptable! -
63:43 - 63:48the meeting must take place,
we should not interfere -
63:48 - 63:50we must stop this from happening."
-
63:51 - 63:57It was really important that
the meeting took place. -
63:57 - 64:05Because we were aware that the rebellion
in the military ranks would increase -
64:05 - 64:11against a government that wanted
to disestablish the democracy in Brazil. -
64:11 - 64:14Therefore, together
with other officers, -
64:14 - 64:16including general Aragăo,
-
64:17 - 64:20who had also been informed
of the plan, -
64:20 - 64:27we took action and, on the morning of the 13th,
after arriving at the headquarters, -
64:27 - 64:34I sought one of those officers
that were part of the group and asked: -
64:36 - 64:40" How's it going?
ls it settled? ls it going to happen?" -
64:40 - 64:46" General, no one is interfering.
There is only one I couldn't talk to." -
64:46 - 64:48" Go out there and talk to this 'one'
-
64:48 - 64:52The meeting is not to sustain
any interference from us." -
64:53 - 64:56The immediate consequence:
-
64:57 - 65:02the next day, in the ministry, the meeting
was all that everyone talked about -
65:02 - 65:05and revoIt was widespread.
-
65:05 - 65:10So we had gained the support
of many people who, up to then, -
65:11 - 65:14still hadn't decided to
part ways with legality. -
65:14 - 65:16Because it's very hard,
as I said before. -
65:17 - 65:24So the meeting on the 13th meant that we
got the support of many individuals... -
65:25 - 65:26upstanding, loyal individuals,
-
65:26 - 65:31that up to then, had still been
attached to the idea of absolute legality. -
65:33 - 65:36The meeting of the Central
was a kind of... -
65:39 - 65:42attempt to speed up the
project of reforms. -
65:44 - 65:46And many people advised
him not to do that meeting. -
65:47 - 65:50That, from a certain point of view,
it would mean an aggravation. -
65:52 - 65:55And that he should not announce
those reforms, -
65:56 - 66:00many of which would not
be possible to implement. -
66:01 - 66:03Then, I clearly remember Jango saying:
-
66:03 - 66:07" I don't have a problem
with staying in office or leaving, -
66:07 - 66:11my problem is that I have
to carry out those reforms. -
66:11 - 66:13l'd rather fall,
but fall with my chin up." -
66:29 - 66:30RAlMUNDO ALMElDA MUST GO!
-
66:30 - 66:33LET'S GO, ARRAES
THE PEOPLE CAN'T TAKE lT AN Y LONGER! -
66:43 - 66:46THlS TlME, THE GOVERNMENT
AND THE PEOPLE ARE NOT ALONE! -
66:50 - 66:52HOUSEWlVES AGAlNST TAX DODGlNG
-
66:52 - 66:53WOMEN'S LEAGUE lN THE STATE
OF GUANABARA -
66:56 - 67:00FULL MONOPOLY NOW!
ALL THE OlL BELONGS TO PETROBRAS. -
67:04 - 67:06SUPPORTlNG JANGO'S BASE REFORMS
-
67:19 - 67:21By the late afternoon,
-
67:21 - 67:25200 thousand people gathered
at the Central Station square. -
67:26 - 67:30The crowd keyed the speakers up.
Jango did not disappoint. -
67:30 - 67:32By his side, his wife Maria Teresa
-
67:32 - 67:35soothed the tension
of the moment. -
67:36 - 67:37On the same wooden stage
-
67:37 - 67:40that Getúlio Vargas used for
his public appearances, -
67:40 - 67:43Jango announced the
execution of his program. -
67:43 - 67:47A few hours before, he had signed the
decrees that expropriated unproductive lands -
67:47 - 67:52alongside federal highways and railroads
and took over private refineries. -
67:56 - 68:00AgricuItural workers will find
-
68:00 - 68:04that their most important
and fairest claim -
68:04 - 68:07will have been met in many places.
-
68:07 - 68:12The claim for a plot of land
in which to work. -
68:13 - 68:16A plot of land to harvest crops.
-
68:17 - 68:21Then, that worker and his family,
-
68:22 - 68:26his dejected family,
will be able to be their own bosses, -
68:26 - 68:31because up to now they've been working for
the owner of the land they rent, -
68:31 - 68:34or for the owner
of the land they loan. -
68:48 - 68:52Today, in the eyes of the nation,
-
68:53 - 68:58with the solidarity
of the people united in this square, -
68:59 - 69:01a square that belongs
only to the people, -
69:02 - 69:05the government,
that also belongs to the people, -
69:05 - 69:08and to the people alone,
-
69:08 - 69:12reaffirms its unshakable goal
-
69:12 - 69:16to fight with all its might
-
69:17 - 69:20to improve the Brazilian society
in a quest -
69:20 - 69:25Not only for agricuItural reform,
but also for tax reform. -
69:26 - 69:31For full electorial reform,
for illiterate vote, -
69:31 - 69:35for the eligibility of all Brazilians.
-
69:35 - 69:40for the purity of democratic life,
for economic emancipation, -
69:40 - 69:42for social justice
-
69:42 - 69:46and, together with its people,
for the progress of Brazil. -
70:00 - 70:04In Săo Paulo, the ruling class
was also mobilized against the reforms. -
70:05 - 70:09With the support of the state government,
the rural society and sections of the church, -
70:09 - 70:13the " family march, with God
and for freedom" was organized. -
70:14 - 70:18Veterans of '32 and members
of traditional families of Săo Paulo -
70:18 - 70:21held a rosary in one hand
and banners on the other, -
70:21 - 70:23with a few of their slogans:
-
70:23 - 70:29" Civism shall kill communism." " In defense
of the Constitution and of legality." -
70:32 - 70:34Jango and his family went to Săo Borja
-
70:34 - 70:37to spent the holy week holidays,
in March 1964. -
71:02 - 71:04Earlier pictures in the family album
-
71:04 - 71:07reveal the relaxed lifestyle of
of a farmer president. -
71:07 - 71:11His life with Maria Teresa,
the barbecues, the chimarrăo, -
71:11 - 71:13the horse riding along the fields,
-
71:13 - 71:16all of which was tinted by
an anxious mood this time around. -
71:17 - 71:20In fact, that would be the
last time Jango and his family -
71:20 - 71:22spent time together at the ranch
-
71:22 - 71:27where he'd briefly stay in April, lonely
and on his way to the exile in Uruguay. -
72:41 - 72:42By late March,
-
72:42 - 72:45after watching the movie
about the battleship Potemkin, -
72:46 - 72:49the Brazilian navy
was seduced by a dream. -
72:51 - 72:53Gathering in the steeI workers' union,
-
72:53 - 72:56during the celebration of the
2nd anniversary of their association, -
72:56 - 72:58which had been kept a secret from the Navy,
-
72:58 - 73:01hundreds of mariners claimed their rights:
-
73:01 - 73:05freedom for mates held in confinement,
better meals -
73:05 - 73:06and the right to get married.
-
73:09 - 73:13In attendance, as a role modeI and witness,
was an elderly Joăo Cândido, -
73:13 - 73:15a hero who had survived the rebellion
-
73:15 - 73:18that brought an end to
physical punishment back in 1910. -
75:00 - 75:03Like in the movie,
the population supported the rebels. -
75:13 - 75:17Gathered in mutiny at the
Navy Club,rallying for discipline, -
75:17 - 75:20officers called for the punishment
of the rebellious mariners. -
75:22 - 75:25Back in Rio,
Jango finds a solution: -
75:25 - 75:29the mariners are arrested
and subsequently released. -
75:34 - 75:36The Minister of Navy quits.
-
75:37 - 75:39Minister of the Army,
Jair Dantas Ribeiro, -
75:39 - 75:43left office and was hospitalized,
due to renal problems. -
75:44 - 75:47The impact of the events in the Armed Forces
-
75:47 - 75:51caused the adhesion of legalist officers to
the movement that deposed the president. -
75:52 - 75:56For them, it was intolerable
to see hierarchy crumbling. -
75:59 - 76:02Rumors of a military rebellion
had already been around -
76:02 - 76:05when the president attended,
on March 30th, -
76:05 - 76:07at the headquarters
of the Automobile Club, -
76:07 - 76:10a ceremony in his honor, sponsored by
the Association of Sergeants -
76:10 - 76:12and sub-officers of the military police.
-
76:12 - 76:17The president energetically prohibited
any subversion in the name of order. -
76:18 - 76:20His improvised greeting
to the subordinates -
76:20 - 76:24was a belated warning
to higher-ranking officers. -
76:25 - 76:27JANGO: WE DO NOT WANT
A CLOSED CONGRESS. -
76:35 - 76:37In the early hours of March 31st,
-
76:37 - 76:40a few hours after the end of the celebration,
-
76:40 - 76:44the troops of general Olímpio Mourăo Filho,
commander of the 4th Military Region, -
76:44 - 76:46marched over Guanabara.
-
76:46 - 76:50The rebellion, coming from Minas Gerais,
triggered the coup. -
76:54 - 76:57In Guanabara, army tanks
rolled into the cities -
76:57 - 76:59without resistance.
-
77:02 - 77:05The middle class exorcized its ghosts
-
77:05 - 77:08by setting the building
of the National Union of Students on fire -
77:12 - 77:16In the afternoon of ApriI 1st,
in the South Zone of Rio de Janeiro, -
77:17 - 77:19victory was already being celebrated.
-
77:22 - 77:25President Joăo Goulart
had left Guanabara, -
77:25 - 77:28the enemy quarters, and gone to Brasília.
-
77:28 - 77:32The Capital was not safe
for the president either. -
77:32 - 77:33Jango went to Porto Alegre.
-
77:35 - 77:38The battle in Congress
would soon be over. -
77:38 - 77:41Presiding over the tumuItuous
session of ApriI 1st, -
77:41 - 77:43senator Aldo de Moura Andrade,
-
77:43 - 77:47in an act of solemn disregard
for the destiny of the legal institutions, -
77:47 - 77:50declared the office of president
of the republic to be vacant -
77:50 - 77:53while the head of state, Joăo Goulart,
was still on Brazilian soil. -
77:54 - 77:59The president of the republic
has left the headquarters of the government. -
78:00 - 78:03He left a headless nation behind.
-
78:07 - 78:08That's not true.!
-
78:09 - 78:14In a very grave time in our history.
-
78:16 - 78:22When it is necessary that the head of state
-
78:22 - 78:25remain in the command of the government.
-
78:26 - 78:28He has abandoned the government.
-
78:30 - 78:35And I hereby give notice to the
National Congress... -
78:38 - 78:40This abandonment...
-
78:42 - 78:45This abandonment configures...
-
78:47 - 78:51the need to have the National Congress,
as the civiI power, -
78:52 - 78:57immediately take
the action expected from it -
78:57 - 78:59Under the Brazilian Constitution
-
79:04 - 79:10in order to restore
in this turbulent nation -
79:12 - 79:14the authority of the government...
-
79:15 - 79:18and the existence of the government.
-
79:19 - 79:22We cannot allow...
-
79:22 - 79:26BraziI to remain without a government,
abandoned. -
79:32 - 79:35Under our responsibility
-
79:36 - 79:40is the people of Brazil.
The people. The order. -
79:42 - 79:46That being so, I hereby declare
the office of president of republic to be vacant. -
79:50 - 79:52Conspirator.!
-
79:53 - 79:55Conspirator.!
-
80:02 - 80:06In Rio Grande do Sul, the defeat
was not yet consummated. -
80:07 - 80:11Former governor LeoneI Brizola
used the radio as his best weapon. -
80:11 - 80:16People on the streets promised to repeat
the resistance of '61 . -
80:20 - 80:23When president Joăo Goulart
arrived in Porto Alegre, -
80:23 - 80:26in the middle of the full-blown crisis,
-
80:26 - 80:31a meeting was held at the residence
of the commander of the 3rd army, -
80:32 - 80:34who was general Ladŕrio Teles,
-
80:34 - 80:39a great man and
military chief. -
80:39 - 80:43President Joăo Goulart was in attendance
together with eight generals and myself. -
80:44 - 80:46And my proposal was:
-
80:47 - 80:50that the president retreated
to the interior of Rio Grande do Sul, -
80:50 - 80:54precisely to Săo Borja,
-
80:56 - 81:00and that, at that time, he appointed
General Ladŕrio as minister of the army -
81:02 - 81:05and I would accept the appointment
for the office of minister of justice. -
81:06 - 81:09And we would organize the resistance.
-
81:10 - 81:11General Ladŕrio said
-
81:11 - 81:15he agreed with my proposal
completely. -
81:16 - 81:21And that the 3rd army had enough
weapons to organize civil -
81:21 - 81:25corps that could include
over 100 thousand men, -
81:25 - 81:27in addition to the army troops.
-
81:27 - 81:31And that he considered the situation
to be complex, difficuIt, -
81:31 - 81:36with a number of followers
within the 3rd Army, -
81:36 - 81:39but he thought it was possible
to defend legality. -
81:40 - 81:43The final decision of the meeting was
to be made by the president. -
81:44 - 81:49Who decided that no resistance
would be offered -
81:49 - 81:54because he considered it to be
too high a price to be paid in blood -
81:54 - 81:58by the Brazilian people
to restore its rights. -
81:58 - 82:02In fact, I got myself ready
-
82:02 - 82:08for a potential reaction
of the state of Minas Gerais, -
82:08 - 82:11one year and a half before March '64.
-
82:12 - 82:15When I appointed
ColoneI Josę Geraldo -
82:15 - 82:19to command the Military Police,
I gave him the task -
82:19 - 82:22of preparing the police for a reaction.
-
82:23 - 82:24Because I was sure,
-
82:24 - 82:28that with the difficuIties
I had with the government, -
82:31 - 82:34they would end up
attempting an intervention in Minas. -
82:35 - 82:36And I would react.
-
82:36 - 82:41So I got ready for a reaction
to a potential intervention -
82:42 - 82:45rather than to depose a president.
-
82:45 - 82:50Magalhăes had assumed a
national responsibility. -
82:51 - 82:55And in this case he thought he should
use Palŕcio da Liberdade to develop -
82:55 - 82:58a government that had a national
characteristic as well -
82:58 - 83:04So he called MiIton Campos,
Josę Maria de Alckmin and myself. -
83:05 - 83:10I was informed of that
a few weeks beforehand. -
83:10 - 83:13And was told that I would be called
-
83:13 - 83:17the day my presence was needed
in Belo Horizonte. -
83:18 - 83:23My office, which was
that of nonspecific minister - -
83:23 - 83:26the three of us, MiIton Campos,
Josę Maria de Alckmin and l, -
83:26 - 83:29were appointed nonspecific secretaries.
-
83:30 - 83:32And my duty as nonspecific secretary
-
83:32 - 83:38was to attain potential
international support -
83:38 - 83:42to have recognition of our belligerent status,
-
83:42 - 83:47if the actual conditions of
the movement we were expecting -
83:47 - 83:48came to that.
-
83:48 - 83:51Recognition of a belligerent
status, as you know, -
83:51 - 83:55entails the supply
of elements that can support -
83:55 - 83:58the political movement underway.
-
83:58 - 83:59It was not necessary.
-
84:00 - 84:03We knew, we trusted we'd succeed.
-
84:04 - 84:06And there was a meeting among ourselves,
-
84:06 - 84:11during which we tried to estimate
how long it would last. -
84:11 - 84:15The estimation was that the fight
would last for six months. At least. -
84:15 - 84:20I was regarded as an optimist,
-
84:20 - 84:22I thought that it would
be over in one month. -
84:22 - 84:24The only one who
got it right was Golbery, -
84:24 - 84:26who said: " it will fall apart
like a castle of cards." -
84:26 - 84:28Despite the surprise,
-
84:28 - 84:33despite the weakening that
the government had been experiencing, -
84:34 - 84:38if president Joăo Goulart
had decided to resist, -
84:39 - 84:42to counter-strike -
-
84:42 - 84:45he still had troops,
he still had elements here in Rio, -
84:45 - 84:50to take over the Guanabara palace,
where Lacerda had been scheming - -
84:50 - 84:53he could have won that fight.
-
84:53 - 84:57Or at least put up
a longer fight. -
84:57 - 85:00But he decided not to resist,
-
85:00 - 85:04which, in my opinion, was the right decision,
because it avoided bloodshed, -
85:04 - 85:09and today, after those informations
were released by the Americans, -
85:09 - 85:14we became aware of the involvement
of the American government -
85:14 - 85:17in the military coup that
was underway in Brazil. -
85:17 - 85:21The story that the U.S. had sent
ships to Brazil -
85:21 - 85:22was old news.
-
85:22 - 85:26It had even been mentioned in
-
85:26 - 85:31an American talk show called
"Firing Line" , with William Buckley. -
85:31 - 85:34He was interviewing at that time,
in the early 70s, -
85:35 - 85:39governor - former governor
at that time, Carlos Lacerda -, -
85:40 - 85:44when someone from the audience stood up
and said: " look, that is not true, -
85:44 - 85:48I was in the Caribbean at the time,
embarked, doing military work, -
85:48 - 85:51and the ship I was in
was rerouted to the Brazilian coast -
85:51 - 85:53at the time of the revolution.
-
85:53 - 85:56There were stories like that.
And tales too -
85:57 - 86:02that maybe the U.S. had actually
sent ships to the Brazilian coast, -
86:02 - 86:03but that they were only tankers.
-
86:03 - 86:06What was discovered about
Operation " Brother Sam" -
86:06 - 86:08is that it was much bigger.
-
86:08 - 86:11I mean, in fact, it included
the four tankers, -
86:11 - 86:13the four tankers were full
-
86:13 - 86:18to ensure the supply of fuel
for the revolution -
86:18 - 86:21if the movement had to last,
if it faced too much resistance -
86:21 - 86:23and had to last for
over one month. -
86:24 - 86:27There were 136 thousand barrels of
regular gas, -
86:27 - 86:29aviation kerosene,
all that. -
86:30 - 86:34Battleships were also
involved, -
86:34 - 86:36six destroyers
if I'm not mistaken -
86:37 - 86:39One aircraft carrier was sent to the
Brazilian coast, -
86:39 - 86:42a ship that specialized
in carrying helicopters, -
86:42 - 86:4524 combat and transport planes.
-
86:45 - 86:49A large amount of ammunition was embarked,
-
86:49 - 86:52which never made it to Brazil,
-
86:52 - 86:53but that was loaded
into ships in the U.S.. -
86:54 - 86:57Those ships, from different points
in the Atlantic, -
86:57 - 87:00converged at the Brazilian
coast. -
87:00 - 87:04A few hours before sunrise
on ApriI 2nd, -
87:04 - 87:07the entire operation was demobilized
when news came -
87:07 - 87:10that the military
had already taken over. -
87:10 - 87:12This was the Operation " Brother Sam" .
-
87:16 - 87:20On ApriI 2, with the people of
Rio Grande do SuI demobilized, -
87:20 - 87:24Jango went to Săo Borja and,
from there, to his exile in Uruguay. -
87:55 - 87:57ENLlST HERE.
-
88:44 - 88:48In Rio, the police of Carlos Lacerda
arrested a Chinese trade mission, -
88:48 - 88:50under charges of terrorism.
-
88:51 - 88:54It was up to Sobral Pinto, the old advocate
of political prisoners -
88:54 - 88:57to prove the innocence of the diplomats.
-
88:58 - 89:02Communist leader Gregório Bezerra, was
dragged through the streets of Recife, -
89:02 - 89:04and arrested.
-
89:09 - 89:11Among the prisoners, one traitor:
-
89:11 - 89:15soldier Josę Alselmo dos Santos,
known as corporal Anselmo. -
89:16 - 89:18A leader of the association of mariners
-
89:18 - 89:21and head of the rebellion
at the metal workers' union, -
89:21 - 89:25years later he would be
exposed as a police undercover agent -
89:25 - 89:26by the armed activists.
-
89:27 - 89:31In Rio de Janeiro, the middle class
would perform its version -
89:31 - 89:34of the " march, with God and for freedom" ,
-
89:34 - 89:36with the victory guaranteed.
-
89:36 - 89:38" The right to be born. "
-
89:40 - 89:45This civic furor would soon be
used to support the campaign -
89:45 - 89:47" Donate gold for the good of Brazil" ,
-
89:47 - 89:51an attempt at solving
the economic problems of the country -
89:51 - 89:54with acts of patriotic charity.
-
89:56 - 89:57After their arrival in Rio,
-
89:57 - 90:00Mourăo and Magalhăes were commended
for the triumph -
90:00 - 90:03of a movement that
they apparently headed. -
90:05 - 90:10The way I see it, there were
two coups in '64. -
90:11 - 90:16The first was a typical
Latin-American coup. -
90:16 - 90:21Certain civiI forces
supporting a military movement -
90:21 - 90:25that was initiated in Minas Gerais
-
90:25 - 90:28and that actually,
-
90:28 - 90:31in its exterior appearance,
-
90:32 - 90:37was actually what we know
about Latin-American history. -
90:38 - 90:43Now, during the course of that coup,
another one took place. -
90:43 - 90:44On the inside.
-
90:45 - 90:46That was the one that lingered
-
90:46 - 90:51and expelled all
civiI and military characters, -
90:52 - 90:54that took part in the first coup.
-
90:55 - 90:57That was the coup that remained,
-
90:57 - 91:03it was this coup that
buiIt a military core -
91:03 - 91:05and an economic system.
-
91:05 - 91:09Because, in fact,
there were two movements. -
91:09 - 91:15The one from Minas, which I refer to
as a na:ďve, patriotic movement, -
91:15 - 91:19that wanted only to bring
order to the country, -
91:19 - 91:23and wanted nothing for itself.
I never did. -
91:24 - 91:26So much so that, after my
arrival in Rio de Janeiro, -
91:27 - 91:30Carlos Lacerda
and Juscelino came to me, -
91:30 - 91:34saying it was time I took over
and I told them -
91:34 - 91:37I had not carried out the movement
to become president of the republic. -
91:38 - 91:44It was not to claim anything for myself.
-
91:44 - 91:49What I wanted was to have
BraziI find its true way -
91:49 - 91:51of order, of tranquility.
-
91:54 - 91:57In Rio de Janeiro there was
a group that got ready. -
91:58 - 92:00That really got ready.
-
92:01 - 92:05It seems that LincoIn Gordon
was connected to this group. -
92:05 - 92:08Because this group had money.
-
92:08 - 92:13We, back in Minas, did it
with our own funds. -
92:14 - 92:15Which was not much.
-
92:17 - 92:19And we never got any indemnification.
-
92:20 - 92:24Because president Castelo...
-
92:24 - 92:26was part of the other group.
-
92:27 - 92:29The appointment of general Castelo Branco
-
92:29 - 92:33instituted in BraziI the system
of indirect elections for president -
92:33 - 92:37with a single candidate protected
by institutional acts. -
92:37 - 92:42I hereby declare the Honorable Humberto
de Alencar Castelo Branco -
92:42 - 92:44vested in office
of president of the republic -
92:44 - 92:49of the United States of Brazil
-
92:52 - 92:59I shall defend and fulfill, with honor
and loyalty the Constitution of Brazil. -
93:04 - 93:09We shall plunge ahead
knowing that the remedy -
93:09 - 93:12against the ill effects
of the extreme left -
93:13 - 93:16shall not be the birth
of a reactionary right. -
93:20 - 93:23My deeds shall be those
-
93:23 - 93:27of an uncompromised
head of state -
93:28 - 93:31during the process
of election of the Brazilian -
93:31 - 93:36to whom I shall convey this office
on January 31 , 1966. -
93:38 - 93:431964 closes the '54 cycle of colonels.
-
93:43 - 93:46This time they were united
and had a plan. -
93:46 - 93:49The concepts developed
in the Superior War College -
93:49 - 93:53replaced social justice
for development -
93:53 - 93:55and democracy for security.
-
94:04 - 94:08Castelo Branco's cabinet
had politicians from UDN -
94:08 - 94:11and technocrats, now at
the service of the new order. -
94:11 - 94:14But the true core of power
after '64 -
94:14 - 94:17laid in the hands of the brothers in arms.
-
94:17 - 94:20General Costa e Silva
in the ministry of war, -
94:20 - 94:23General Ernesto Geisel
as Head of the Military Household -
94:23 - 94:27and General Golbery do Couto e Silva,
who used lPES records -
94:27 - 94:30to set up the National Information Service.
-
94:30 - 94:33During the Castelo Branco administration,
old alliances were recovered. -
94:34 - 94:36The law on remittance of profits
was revoked, -
94:36 - 94:40and the trust of the United States in the
Brazilian democracy was reestablished. -
94:41 - 94:44Annulling the decree on
expropriation of unproductive lands, -
94:44 - 94:47the new president put the minds
of large land owners at ease. -
94:47 - 94:49With the new economic guidelines,
-
94:49 - 94:53the International Monetary Fund
came to the assistance of its ally. -
94:53 - 94:55A rigorous controI on salaries
-
94:55 - 94:58would fund development and the
fight against inflation. -
94:59 - 95:02After sending to prison
or to exile -
95:02 - 95:05the main leaders of
the left and of the union movement, -
95:05 - 95:09the military put an end to the
ambitions of their civiI allies. -
95:09 - 95:12Ademar de Barros,
Governor of Săo Paulo, -
95:12 - 95:15was an ally of Castelo Branco
but ended up being discharged and unseated, -
95:15 - 95:17charged with bribery.
-
95:19 - 95:21Lacerda's dreams of becoming president
-
95:21 - 95:25were over when marshal Castelo Branco
extended his own term of office, -
95:25 - 95:29and cancelled the presidential
election of 1965. -
95:32 - 95:34lRREVERSlBLE DEClSlON:
GOVERNORS-ELECT TO BE VESTED lN OFFlCE. -
95:35 - 95:40The elections for state governor
turned JK into the heart of the civiI resistance. -
95:41 - 95:44The victory of the opposition
for state governor -
95:44 - 95:47in Minas and in Guanabara
alarmed the government. -
95:47 - 95:49Pressured by the hard-core
segment of the armed forces, -
95:49 - 95:52Castelo Branco
enacted Institutional Act No. 2, -
95:52 - 95:54banning political parties
-
95:54 - 95:58and turning the elections for governor
into indirect ones. -
96:00 - 96:05A cordial JK, after being unseated,
followed the same lPM ritual, -
96:05 - 96:09walking the same path that
many other Brazilians would follow. -
96:17 - 96:19Jango the farmer, exiled in Uruguay,
-
96:19 - 96:22lived in angst over the
uncertainties of the wait. -
96:22 - 96:24His most wanted return
had no scheduled date. -
96:25 - 96:26The anguish of those days
-
96:26 - 96:30caused his children's birthdays
to go almost uncelebrated. -
96:32 - 96:35The desire to see Brazil
become a democracy again -
96:35 - 96:38led Jango, in exile, to unite
with Carlos Lacerda and JK -
96:38 - 96:41to structure the Ample Front, a movement
that was banned soon thereafter. -
96:42 - 96:45Opposition movements had
less and less freedom -
96:46 - 96:51Lacerda would be the most illustrious name
in the next list of unseated politicians. -
96:56 - 97:00The successor of Marshal Castelo Branco
was General Costa e Silva. -
97:01 - 97:05Against the will of Castelo,
the minister of war was made candidate. -
97:12 - 97:16In the Congress, under the applause of Arena
and before a silent MDB, -
97:16 - 97:18Costa e Silva was inaugurated.
-
97:19 - 97:22The new president was sworn in
under a new Constitution, -
97:22 - 97:27enacted in 1967 with deep
restrictions on the liberal principles -
97:27 - 97:31of the previously untouched
Constitution of 1946. -
97:45 - 97:48Marginalization of the people
and failed political solutions -
97:48 - 97:50led the way to opposition marches.
-
97:51 - 97:53Protests promoted
by students, -
97:53 - 97:57intellectuals and professionals,
under violent repression, -
97:57 - 97:59led the way to radicalization.
-
98:03 - 98:05The defeat of populism
-
98:05 - 98:08caused disenchantment with
traditional political formulas -
98:08 - 98:12and launched a new motto:
"armed fight." -
98:17 - 98:19From the Caraíbas area
to the southern mountains, -
98:19 - 98:23stretched the revolutionary wave of the 60s.
-
98:24 - 98:26Tupamaros in Uruguay,
Douglas Bravo in Venezuela -
98:26 - 98:31and father Camilo Torres in Colombia
started guerrilla activities. -
98:31 - 98:34Rangers trained in the U.S.
-
98:34 - 98:37were chasing Ernesto Che Guevara.
-
98:37 - 98:40The formidable shadow of Che
-
98:40 - 98:44would disappear on October 8, 1967.
-
98:44 - 98:48The death of the guerilla commander,
that had been announced so many times, -
98:48 - 98:50would soon be acknowledged
by FideI Castro in Havana. -
98:51 - 98:54...also a dark photograph.
-
98:55 - 98:57This is the picture.
-
99:01 - 99:02You can be sure
-
99:03 - 99:08that I wish Che had adopted
-
99:09 - 99:12at least certain preventive measures.
-
99:12 - 99:17He often led the way
on exploration units. -
99:25 - 99:29On the other hand, it is also
possible that he -
99:29 - 99:34was very conscious
of the mission he had chosen -
99:35 - 99:37and of the subjective value of men.
-
99:52 - 99:56In the heart of America,
in the province of La Higuera, in Bolivia, -
99:57 - 100:00a helicopter brought
the tied-up body of Guevara. -
100:00 - 100:04General Hugo Bŕnzer
inspected the operation in person. -
100:04 - 100:08He was nervous, as a hunter
feeling inferior to his prey. -
100:11 - 100:15Ernesto Che Guevara, the exemplary
activist, was dead. -
100:16 - 100:19His image holding a shotgun,
with a star on his cap -
100:19 - 100:21would reemerge not only in the 3rd world,
-
100:21 - 100:27but also in the '68 rebellions in
Paris, Prague, Berlin, Berkeley. -
101:04 - 101:08Édson Luiz, a young man
shot to death in Rio de Janeiro, -
101:08 - 101:12would be the first victim of the
clash between the police and students. -
101:19 - 101:25Those who remain silent over your body
-
101:25 - 101:31Agree to your death
-
101:31 - 101:32THE YANKEES HAVE MURDERED
A BRAZlLlAN MAN -
101:32 - 101:37By sword and fire
-
101:37 - 101:44Deep down in the tear
-
101:45 - 101:51Shot in the chest
-
101:51 - 101:54OUR PEOPLE ARE BLEEDlNG
Those who remain silent die with you -
101:54 - 101:57Those who remain silent die with you
-
101:57 - 102:03Deader than you are now
-
102:03 - 102:04ARM Y GO HOME
-
102:04 - 102:10A watch on the floor of the square
-
102:11 - 102:15Ticking, telling the time
-
102:17 - 102:22Set by anger
-
102:23 - 102:25MURDERS. VENGEANCE
-
102:25 - 102:29In the fire, mirroring
-
102:30 - 102:35The shine of your hair
-
102:36 - 102:42Those who shouted live on with you
-
102:56 - 103:00His death prompted great
movements of protest on the streets. -
103:02 - 103:05On the other hand, it was decided by
the meeting of intellectuals -
103:05 - 103:08that they would attend the march
en masse. -
103:08 - 103:12I'll be there and hope
you will too. -
103:12 - 103:14- How about you, Tônia?
- We will all be there. -
103:14 - 103:19I'll go as a woman, as an actress,
as a mother, as a citizen. -
103:19 - 103:22I'll go because I want
the pubic opinion -
103:22 - 103:28to known that we have a lot of courage
to unmask the myth -
103:28 - 103:31that the students are doing something
wrong, that they are troublemakers. -
103:31 - 103:34They are our hope and we
have our arms open for them, -
103:35 - 103:37to accept their claims.
-
103:37 - 103:40I'm very proud that
my kids are taking part in it. -
103:40 - 103:43I'll be on the streets. I have
two kids who are university students. -
103:43 - 103:47l'd rather they be on the streets
than smoking marijuana. -
103:47 - 103:50Partying and smoking marijuana.
-
104:04 - 104:10Let's take a walk on the hidden forest,
My love -
104:12 - 104:15Let's take a walk down the avenue
-
104:17 - 104:23Let's take a walk through the high path,
My love -
104:25 - 104:29There are mountains looming over the asphalt
-
104:35 - 104:37The pretext for the toughening up of the regime
-
104:37 - 104:41was the speech by opposition
congressman Mŕrcio Moreira Alves, -
104:41 - 104:45the government's attempt to sue him
and the denial of the Congress, -
104:45 - 104:47to protect its sovereignty.
-
104:48 - 104:51President Vargas
-
104:52 - 104:55President Vargas
-
104:56 - 104:59President Vargas
-
104:59 - 105:05Let's go for a walk
In the United States of Brazil -
105:07 - 105:11Let's go for a walk in disguise
-
105:13 - 105:17In December 1968,
again on a Friday 13th, -
105:17 - 105:22the government closed the Congress
and enacted Institutional Act No. 5. -
105:25 - 105:29The toughening up of the regime and
the repression of civiI organizations -
105:29 - 105:31neutralized the opposition.
-
105:32 - 105:37Censorship on newspapers, radio and TV
concealed any sign of protest. -
105:41 - 105:45The church, which had supported
the forces that removed Jango from power, -
105:45 - 105:49reappeared in the late 60s
as the only organized institution -
105:49 - 105:52to defend justice and
human rights. -
105:52 - 105:56The murder of father Henrique,
a direct assistant to D. Hęlder Câmara, -
105:56 - 105:59marked with blood
the new standing of the Church. -
106:01 - 106:06The repression, the ban
on people's movements, -
106:06 - 106:09the obstruction of union movements,
-
106:10 - 106:13caused the Church to be the
last remaining place -
106:13 - 106:16where people's movements
can get organized. -
106:17 - 106:20In a way, the Church is
the only institution to which -
106:20 - 106:22a retired general could
not be appointed -
106:22 - 106:24chairman of the Episcopal Conference
-
106:25 - 106:26or Archbishop of Săo Paulo.
-
106:27 - 106:31So that brought people to the
Church. -
106:31 - 106:33After the initial success,
-
106:33 - 106:36marked by kidnappings
and bank robberies, -
106:36 - 106:40the urban guerrilla, isolated
from the people, began to crumble. -
106:40 - 106:44Former congressman Carlos Marighella,
who used to head the Communist Party, -
106:44 - 106:48the founder of the National Action
for Liberty, ALN, -
106:48 - 106:51died in Săo Paulo in an ambush
put together by police forces. -
106:53 - 106:54ALLENDE'S LAST SPEECH
SEPTEMBER 1 1 , 1973 -
106:54 - 106:57All I can say to the workers is:
I shall not resign. -
106:58 - 107:00Standing at a historical
crossroads, -
107:00 - 107:03I shall repay the loyalty of
the people with my life. -
107:03 - 107:07In Chile, another alternative
was attempted: -
107:07 - 107:10one coalition that brought together
communists, socialists, -
107:10 - 107:15liberals and progressive Catholics
elected senator Salvador Allende. -
107:15 - 107:20The defeated candidate in the
'52, '58 and '64 elections, -
107:20 - 107:23Allende came to power in 1970
-
107:23 - 107:26proposing a pacific route
towards socialism. -
107:26 - 107:28lMAGES OF ALLENDE'S CAMPAlGN - 1964
-
107:28 - 107:30The elation of Allende's administration,
-
107:30 - 107:33the attempt to conciliate
socialism and liberty, -
107:33 - 107:37ended up in a bloodbath
sponsored by the U.S. -
107:39 - 107:41Long live Chile.
Long live the people. -
107:42 - 107:43Long live the workers.
-
107:44 - 107:48In 1973, the CIA and ITT
-
107:48 - 107:51financed the overthrowing
and assassination of Allende. -
107:53 - 107:57In 1975 no democracy
was left standing in the southern cone. -
107:58 - 108:00But the scenario
would get even more somber. -
108:01 - 108:05Police and paramilitary organizations
organized Operation Condor, -
108:05 - 108:09with the purpose of preventing all political
and oppositional actions in the continent. -
108:10 - 108:14In Washington, a bomb brought
to an end the life of Orlando Letelier, -
108:14 - 108:15a former minister
of the Allende administration. -
108:16 - 108:20In Buenos Aires, senator Michelini
of Uruguay was kidnapped and killed. -
108:20 - 108:24General Juan Josę Torres,
the president of Bolivia, -
108:24 - 108:28and general Carlos Prates,
former commander-in-chief of the Chilean army, -
108:28 - 108:31were killed in bombings.
-
108:32 - 108:36President Joăo Goulart
knew that his name was -
108:36 - 108:38on that list of doomed presidents.
-
108:39 - 108:41His greatest dream,
his greatest wish -
108:41 - 108:42was to go back to Brazil.
-
108:42 - 108:45I believe deep down he couldn't
stand that instability any longer, -
108:45 - 108:48To go from country
to country in Latin America, -
108:49 - 108:52and later even thinking
about moving to Europe... -
108:52 - 108:55Because his wish,
his hope -
108:55 - 108:57was to be able to go back to Brazil.
-
108:58 - 109:03His dreams were halted
on December 6, 1976. -
109:04 - 109:06At his farm in Mercedes, Argentina,
-
109:06 - 109:10where he lived with Maria Tereza,
Jango died of a heart attack. -
109:13 - 109:15SĂO VICENTE RANCH
-
109:15 - 109:19Journalist Carlos Castello Branco
described his death: -
109:21 - 109:25President Joăo Goulart,
unable to return to Brazil, -
109:25 - 109:29compelled to leave Argentina
and advised not to stay in Uruguay, -
109:29 - 109:31died like a lost cowboy,
-
109:31 - 109:34looking for a way
back home. -
109:43 - 109:45His desire to go home
was very strong. -
109:46 - 109:49In the split second that
separates life from death, -
109:49 - 109:52the images of his youth in
Săo Borja were relived, -
109:52 - 109:56his inauguration in Brasília, the images
of March 13th in the Central Station, -
109:56 - 109:58of Vargas' funeral.
-
109:59 - 110:00The kind gestures from the people
-
110:00 - 110:03and his role in the fight
for a better society, -
110:03 - 110:07which caused him to be the
only Brazilian president to die in exile. -
110:08 - 110:09WELCOME TO BRAZlL.
-
110:16 - 110:18On December 7,
-
110:18 - 110:22the body of Joăo Goulart crossed
the border back to Brazil -
110:22 - 110:24to be buried in Săo Borja.
-
110:25 - 110:2912 years had elapsed
since he left for the exile. -
110:30 - 110:33The family, friends,
former assistants -
110:33 - 110:36spread over the casket of the former
president of the republic -
110:36 - 110:38the flag of amnesty.
-
110:39 - 110:41Silence was the official version
of the government. -
110:46 - 110:48JANGO WILL REMAIN WlTH US
-
111:17 - 111:18CENTRAL CEMETERY
-
111:54 - 111:59THE EVENTS OF THAT DAY
ARE STlLL CLEAR lN M Y MEMORY: -
111:59 - 112:03IN A DARK BEDROOM,
-
112:03 - 112:08TRYlNG TO ESCAPE THE WORLD
THAT REACHED ME THROUGH THE RADlO, -
112:08 - 112:13I WAS LITTLE MORE THAN A BOY,
CRYING TO DEATH -
112:13 - 112:17OVER PRESlDENT JANGO'S
JOURNE Y-ESCAPE. -
112:19 - 112:25THE YEARS WENT B Y, MATURlTY CAME, AND
A DAlLY DOSE OF lNJUSTlCE AND HATRED, -
112:25 - 112:31OPPRESSlON, LlES AND FEAR,
HAVE MADE ME NOW, AS AN ADULT, -
112:32 - 112:37ON BEHALF OF THE TRUTH AND HlSTORY,
REAFFlRM THE BO Y: -
112:38 - 112:44THE TEARS THAT WERE SHED lN 64
ARE STlLL FAlR. - FERNANDO BRANT
- Title:
- Documentário | João Goulart: Jango
- Description:
-
Histórica | Agora é outra História! Acesse e aprenda História com humor e senso crítico.
http://historica.com.br/Documentário sobre a vida política do presidente João Goulart, o famoso Jango.
- Video Language:
- Portuguese
- Duration:
- 01:54:51
naranjasdehiroshima edited English subtitles for Documentário | João Goulart: Jango |